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Saturday, 10 January 2009

An Open letter to G.W. Bush About 9/11

For the kind attention of President Bush,

I have written to you on three separate occasions and you received those letters in September 2006; and January and April 2007. The vital purpose of all three letters was to seek clarification regarding the attacks of 9.11.2001. It is a matter of deep regret that to date I have not even received a courtesy acknowledgement.

In the absence of such clarification from you, as an anti-war engineer, I have had to carry out my own investigation to discover the true facts. The conclusions reveal unequivocally that your accusations about “19 Muslims” are totally false. There is no evidence in support of the false allegation that Muslims were in any way involved in these horrible acts. So far, everything said in support of this fallacious allegation amounts to plain, unvarnished lies. Moreover, you have strived consistently to prevent any justice court from investigating the truth about these horrible strikes. Your premature initial declaration that Bin Laden was "wanted dead or alive" has prejudiced any court that might wish to question him. By making it clear that you were only concerned with invasions, you have given the unquestionable impression that you consider that you are above the law.

Just like Goliath, you cannot bear to face the truth. Your only option is to hide this truth by using all available means. Professional disinformation agents were used to infiltrate the independent investigation groups. These accomplices, most of whom have Israeli names, have succeeded in creating millions of web pages filled with a host of lies sprinkled with a few largely irrelevant or meaningless truths. Thus they have succeeded in creating an enormous amount of information containing everything - except the fundamental truth.

Whatever we may do, it is impossible to hide the truth! Many human civilisations, especially some Muslim ones, such as the Turkish one, developed the following proverb which is not in your culture: "The Liar's candle is lit until bedtime, and then it is extinguished." It is time that your candle is extinguished and the truth is ignited. For that, it is necessary that a Muslim scholar should set out the truth and give you the right answer before you leave. In order to bury endless white lies included in the official reports, the following facts should be enough:

--The times of take off, deviation and crash of the planes show the presence of coordination between aircraft. None of your reports indicates this despite the fact that this should be the first evidence to analyze. To ascertain these times and analyze them, one does not need “super science”, or to have a team of hundreds of experts. Even if the investigation teams have tried to hide it, only one person with the time to do so could find this information. Here is the graph of the timeline. http://users.swing.be/mehmeti/Timeline911.jpg

The coordination between aircraft is clearly visible by the successive aspect of red areas representing the hijacked flights of the planes. Such coordination is a mandatory outcome when the planes are controlled by one team using the technology. There is no way or possibility it can be achieved by four different terrorist teams hijacking the aircraft. Especially as the last plane, which took off with an unexplained delay of 41 minutes, should have deviated as soon as possible in order to escape the airspace control. Instead, this aircraft had the greatest delay between the takeoff and hijacking. In fact, the aircraft waited for your “team” to complete the settings of the previous plane that hit the Pentagon. Once these adjustments had been made, as for other airplanes, your team was confident that the technology installed on board would guide it to its target. Only after that time were they able to take over the fourth plane.

--Regarding the twin towers, the official reports written by your agencies are filled with meaningless details, such as the exterior columns and floor trusses, yet omit the core of these towers, which is the most important part of the structure of tall buildings. Even if all floors, trusses and exterior columns collapse, the core is designed to stay upright. There are photos showing that the smallest columns of these cores remained upright while the biggest ones were collapsing. All the evidence points to the destruction of these towers by explosives placed on the junctions of core columns which are accessible from elevator shafts. Using properly prepared and identified radio controlled explosives, it is very easy to install these explosives within a few hours and create the collapse of the towers from top to bottom starting at impact floors.

--To hide the fact that the aircraft that hit the Pentagon was smaller than the 757, which is supposed to have hit it, the official report includes false sentences. The damage span on the facade of the Pentagon corresponds to an airplane with a wingspan of 95 feet (like a 737), whereas the 757 is 125 feet wide. That is also why your agencies have collected and hidden all the images available of this aircraft.

Those who committed these attacks could have also committed the attacks of 3.11.2004 in Madrid and the attacks of 7.7.2005 in London. The only attacks that have resulted in a Court trial are those in Madrid. But this trial shamed Spanish “justice”. Of the 28 accused, 25 were not involved in these attacks, of these, 18 innocent people were convicted, and the masterminds were not identified. In London, according to the testimony of a police officer, the bombs were placed under the carriage, not inside. So they were not placed by passengers, but by organizations that had access to London Underground carriages. Using current image technology, the true perpetrators produced fake video of Siddiq Khan in order to indict him and to criminalize Muslims.

Given all this evidence, it is clear that Muslims were not involved in these horrible attacks. If we exclude the few acts carried out by a minority of Muslims who were mentally destabilised under the pressure created by the false “war on terror” situation that you initiated in 2001, the only actions which could be attributed to Muslims are self-defensive actions against unjustifiable invasions. Nobody can blame Muslims for self-defence inside their own countries. The entire Muslim world has to be cleared of these false allegations and justice has to be done for all victims of these attacks, including the victims of the ensuing wars.

Such justice has been avoided by your interventions and the support of your allies. You, G.W. Bush, are a Christian extremist leader and you act exactly like the leaders of the Inquisition. The falsified dogmas, which created the Inquisition, are still contained in your beliefs. Your Zionist collaborators and certain allies from Israel are acting as if they were held to conquer Canaan in the same manner as is written in the Torah, i.e. disposing of the people with the sword and taking their place. Due to falsification, killing innocent people and taking their place was introduced as an example to follow in their holy book. With such dangerous falsifications, it was inevitable that such crimes would repeat themselves thousands of years later.

Given such actions, and all remaining evidence, it becomes clear that these horrible strikes were made by your government with the collaboration of your close ally, the Israeli government. You can find the evidences in my new French book: "Alliance de crime au nom de Dieu", "Crime alliance in the name of God", ISBN 2-9600586-8-2. History will undoubtedly recognize that you are the leader of this criminal alliance. Even if that alliance becomes able to control the biggest world organisations such as the UN, the world penal courts … it remains a criminal alliance and it will bring death to the whole world.

Mehmet Inan #

Friday, 9 January 2009

2009: Will a crisis turn into an opportunity?

In a recent television interview, former Microsoft boss Bill Gates identified two priorities for the US administration of President-elect Barack Obama, as it prepares to face the biggest global economic crisis in recent history.

The first was to maintain funding to tackle developing countries' needs. Although Obama has promised to double US spending on foreign aid, there are understandable fears that acute domestic financial pressures will push development assistance down the political agenda.

The second was to continue investing in scientific research and technological innovations, which, argued Gates, provide the foundations for future economic growth and social progress.

As the developing world braces itself to meet the stormy times ahead, sustaining an emphasis on these two themes — and maintaining the links between them — will be a key challenge for 2009.

Sacrificing foreign aid spending would undermine the chances of achieving the global economic stability needed to emerge from the current crisis. So, too, would any move to sideline the potential contribution of science-based innovation and evidence-based policymaking to achieving sustainable development. Two pressing issues highlight these concerns — the collapse in commodity prices resulting from the slowdown in industrial demand, particularly in countries such as China and India; and the increasingly urgent need to combat climate change.

Commodity collapse

In recent years, a boom in commodity prices has led to impressive levels of economic growth in many parts of the developing world. This is especially true in Africa, where abundant oil and mineral resources are bitterly fought over.

But, as the UN Conference on Trade and Development has pointed out, relying on high demand, and so high prices, for commodities is an unstable basis for social development. (And there is no guarantee that the income from such commodities will be invested where it is needed, rather than pocketed by the politically powerful — see 'Don't let price rises blow development off course').

The only way to avoid vulnerability to rapidly fluctuating commodity prices is to build mechanisms to ensure endogenous economic growth and wide dispersal of its benefits. And the key is supporting innovation-based enterprises.

Climate challenge

Climate change presents a different set of challenges. Even before the current crisis erupted, it was clear that 2009 would be a critical year for reaching international agreement on efforts to tackle climate change. These are expected to come to a head in December, when signatories to the UN Climate Change Convention meet in Copenhagen.

The good news is that the new US administration has already signalled a sea-change in Washington's attitude towards international negotiations for a robust new agreement on climate change, once the Kyoto protocol runs out in 2012.

The problem is that effective action will inevitably require massive investments of public funds (including subsidies for clean technology investments in the developing world). Squeezing these out of cash-strapped governments is going to be much more difficult than it was even a year ago.

Research-based strategies are essential. Whether seeking to refine our understanding of climate change, or to propose fresh ways of mitigating its impact, scientists have a crucial role in presenting both politicians and the wider community with cost-effective solutions.

A fresh start

The biggest challenge, however, is not developing science and technology to wean developing countries off commodity exports or fossil fuels. It is creating the social and political institutions that foster broad patterns of economically- and environmentally-sustainable growth.

Already, there are widespread discussions about how to redesign global financial bodies, such as the International Monetary Fund, to better meet the needs of the 21st century. A political debate on governments' role in preventing the financial market failures that led to the current crisis are at the heart of these discussions.

This same debate must also embrace discussions on how to simultaneously promote and control science and technology so it can be harnessed for sustainable development, driven by social need rather than private greed.

The climate change debate provides an excellent framework in which these discussions can take place. The forthcoming Copenhagen meeting — indeed 2009 in general — will provide ample occasion to explore the Chinese proverb that every crisis can also be seen as an opportunity.

Air Force Creates “Counter Blog” Response Plan To Quell Online Dissent

Air Force Creates Counter Blog Response Plan To Quell Online Dissent 090109plan The US Air Force has announced a “counter-blog” response plan aimed at fielding and reacting to material from bloggers who have “negative opinions about the US government and the Air Force.”

The plan, created by the public affairs arm of the Air Force, includes a detailed twelve-point “counter blogging” flow-chart that dictates how officers should tackle what are described as “trolls,” “ragers,” and “misguided” online writers.

Wired blog Danger Room summarizes how the chart lays out a range of possible responses to a blog post:

Airmen can offer a “factual and well-cited response [that] is not factually erroneous, a rant or rage, bashing or negative in nature.” They can “let the post stand — no response.” Or they can “fix the facts,” offering up fresh perspective. No matter what, the chart says, airmen should “disclose your Air Force connection,” “respond in a tone that reflects high on the rich heritage of the Air Force,” and “focus on the most-used sites related to the Air Force.”

Another option offered by the chart is to “monitor the site for relevant information and comments” while reporting back to HQ.

Of course, the type of bloggers that Air Force officers will be able to respond to may be limited due to the fact that the Air Force actively blocks access to just about any independent site with the word “blog” in its web address.

No doubt the Web Posting Response Assessment plan is an offshoot of the Air Force’s “national cybersecurity initiative“, an ongoing $11 million project which is also seeking the capability to hack into, fully control and even destroy any form of computer or network in existence.


We have previously reported on similar efforts on behalf of the military and the government to quell online dissent, as well as more broadly control the information available to the American public.

Multiple programs are currently being rolled out by the Pentagon and its offshoot agencies such as DARPA, in a secret war with the internet that has been described as a $30 billion “electronic Manhattan Project“.

Such ongoing efforts to infiltrate the Internet and propagandize for the war on terror are well documented.

CENTCOM has programs underway to infiltrate blogs and message boards to ensure people, “have the opportunity to read positive stories,”presumably about how Iraq is a wonderful liberated democracy and the war on terror really is about protecting Americans from Al-CIAda.

In May 2008, it was revealed that the Pentagon was expanding “Information Operations” on the Internet with purposefully set up foreign news websites, designed to look like independent media sources but in reality carrying direct military propaganda.

More recently the New York Times published an expose on privately hired operatives who have been appearing on all major US news networks promoting the interests and operations of the Pentagon and generating favorable news coverage of the Bush administration while posing as independent military analysts.

This operation was formally announced In 2006 when the Pentagon set up a unit to “better promote its message across 24-hour rolling news outlets, and particularly on the internet”.
Again, the Pentagon said the move would boost its ability to counter “inaccurate” news stories and exploit new media.

The program represents another wing of the Pentagon’s Office of Strategic Influence, publicly announced after 9/11 but simply the latest incarnation of a PR brainwashing scam that spans back decades. The OSI exploited legal loopholes by planting its propaganda in foreign newspapers that would later be picked up by U.S. newswires. In today’s environment even that seems quaint, with the Pentagon openly and proudly shouting from the rooftops that they will knowingly violate the law to indoctrinate the American people.

Perhaps the most alarming case of the military’s information tentacles burrowing their influence deep into media circles in recent years was in February 2000, when another branch of the same Pentagon propaganda bureau, Psychological Operations Command (PSYOPS), had placed their operatives “in the news division at CNN’s Atlanta headquarters as part of an “internship” program starting in the final days of the Kosovo War.”

FAIR speculated that the purpose was twofold, one to directly propagandize the American people via CNN and also potentially to allow the “military to conduct an intelligence-gathering mission against the network itself,” because the “military needed to find ways to “gain control” over commercial news satellites to help bring down an “informational cone of silence” over regions where special operations were taking place.”

With the knowledge that government propagandists were utilizing U.S. news network hubs at CNN to run what was described as a “vast psychological warfare operation of the kind the military conducts to influence a population in enemy territory,” and that this took place almost eight years ago - just imagine how infested today’s networks and newsrooms are with paid agent provocateur propagandists whose sole job specification is to orchestrate methods of mind control over the population of the United States.

In October 2005 Government Accountability Office investigators concluded that the Bush administration’s secret policy to pay off influential journalists to plant fake news and positive spin on Bush’s policies was illegal and that the “administration had disseminated “covert propaganda” in the United States, in violation of a statutory ban.”

A study by media watchdog Center for Media and Democracy revealed that, over a ten month span, 77 television stations from all across the nation aired video news releases without informing their viewers even once that the reports were actually sponsored content.

Some of the fake news segments talked up success in the war in Iraq, or promoted specific companies’ products.

The consequences were not the drafting of new legislation that would clearly outlaw such actions in future, nor any form of criminal proceedings against the protagonists. The upshot of it all was a slap on the wrist for conservative commentator Armstrong Williams and a request that he pay back part of the money that the government had given him - not even all of it.

“Armstrong Williams is going to pay back $34,000 to the government for work he failed to deliver, but who’s going to pay the taxpayers for the rest of the quarter million dollars Williams was paid for his propaganda services to the administration?,” asked Congressman George Miller, as the Justice Department hurried a settlement and swept the whole sordid affair under the rug.

See the Prisonplanet archive on Government Use Of Fake News for more examples of these practices.

These operations equate to a formal declaration of psychological warfare on the American people. The military is engaging in direct propaganda and indoctrination.

Recent history clearly indicates this is just the latest outreach of an insipid brainwashing agenda that is totally unlawful and anathema to the U.S. Constitution.

The White House has made it perfectly clear that it will target American citizens for propagating information harmful to the interests of the U.S. government and classify them as enemy combatants. This is codified in sub-section 27 of section 950v. of the Military Commissions Act of 2006.

Bush’s own strategy document for “winning the war on terror” identifies “conspiracy theorists,” meaning anyone who exposes government corruption and its lies about major domestic and world events, as “terrorists recruiters,” and vows to eliminate their influence in society.

We have even seen the proposal of legislation that would require bloggers to register with and regularly report their activities to Congress or face prison.

The eminently hypocritical tenet of the suggestion that the military and the Air Force need to “Fix the facts”, correct “inaccurate statements” and “set the record straight” is borne out by the fact that they participated in the dissemination of the most lurid and damaging propaganda since Hitler’s final speech - a deliberately fomented lie about weapons of mass destruction that has killed over one million Iraqis and thousands of American soldiers.

It is they who constitute the “ragers” and “trolls” and it is we the alternative media - the fifth estate - that should mobilize in the infowar to counter their spurious deception.

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It`s a CRIME under US law to boycott Israel!

How deep does Israel have its tentacles in the U.S.? Boycotting of Israel is illegal.


(Bureau of Industry and Security, US Department of Commerce)

The Bureau is charged with administering and enforcing the Antiboycott Laws under the Export Administration Act.

Those laws discourage, and in some circumstances, prohibit U.S. companies from furthering or supporting the boycott of Israel sponsored by the Arab League, and certain Moslem countries, including complying with certain requests for information designed to verify compliance with the boycott.

Compliance with such requests may be prohibited by the Export Administration Regulations (EAR) and may be reportable to the Bureau.

Read more, click here.

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The Quartet's Hypocrisy and Failure in Occupied Palestine

The Middle East Quartet includes the US, EU, Russia and the UN. It was formed in 2002 to seek "comprehensive security reform," mediate the Israeli-Palestinian "peace process," address Occupied Palestine's deepening humanitarian crisis, among other stated objectives.

On September 25, 21 aid and human rights organizations (called The Group below) issued a damning report on the Quartet's performance. Well before the current Gaza slaughter but with the Territory under siege, it cited:

-- a continuing humanitarian crisis among people struggling to meet their basic needs;

-- increasingly dependent on aid as their livelihoods are destroyed; and stressed that

-- the "only sustainable solution to the crisis is a comprehensive peace settlement between Israelis and Palestinians based on international law."

It urged immediate steps be taken to relieve suffering; resolve intractable issues; achieve an equitable peace agreement; improve Palestinians' lives; and ensure they're treated equitably and justly.

It cited "the lack of progress on key (Quartet) goals," and the hypocrisy of its June 24, 2008 Berlin statement on the "urgent need for more visible progress on the ground in order to build confidence and support progress in the negotiations launched in Annapolis." It said no "visible progress" materialized and, in fact, things have deteriorated: the Gaza siege; settlement expansions; free movement and access restrictions; an an absence of meaningful peace efforts - and now genocidal slaughter in Gaza.

The Quartet identified 2008 as a crucial year to meet specific goals and obligations. So far they're unfulfilled with no prospect they will be in the new year. It prompted The Group's critical report with recommendations going forward for "swift" and "dramatic" action so far not undertaken. Otherwise "it will be necessary to question what the future is for the Middle East Quartet."

Middle East Online contributor Rami Khouri said "Let the Quartet Die (for) provid(ing) cover for Israeli colonialism and its American guardians." Instead of being an "impartial and decisive instrument of peace-making," it served as a "fig leaf designed to hide American dominance of a diplomatic process" primarily to serve Israeli interests. It's been a talking shop with no teeth and acted against, not for, Palestinian rights. It was highlighted by its failure:

-- to recognize Hamas' democratic election;

-- not demand that Israel respect international law;

-- halt its illegal settlement expansions;

-- refrain from using excessive force;

-- allow free movement and access; and

-- end its illegal occupation.

Khouri called the Quartet "a dishonest institution" and its special envoy Tony Blair "the Diplomatic Olympics Gold Medal Winner for Political Fraudulence." It should announce that it "failed (and must) withdraw immediately," end its charade, and prevent any more damage than it's already done.

Other Quartet critics voice similar sentiments. Among them John Dugard, the UN Human Rights Council's Special Rapporteur on Palestine. He accused the Quartet of being "heavily influenced" by the US. It "does itself little good by remaining" one of its members. America has done nothing to protect Palestinian civilians. It fails to address Israel's violations of international human rights law, and it "should be playing the role of the mediator," not siding with Fatah over Hamas.

Former UN Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process and Quartet envoy Alvaro de Soto was even harsher in his End of Mission Report, shortly before he stepped down. At first it was confidential, but it's now available online, and it's damning.

He said he was "encouraged to be candid" and he was. That Quartet (and UN) policy failed because it one-sidedly supports US and Israeli interests. It undermines a legitimate peace process and any hope for an independent Palestinian state. He urged the Secretary-General to leave it and said history will hold him accountable.

He condemned the Quartet for not recognizing the Hamas government and said it was "transformed from a negotiation-promoting foursome guided by a common document (the Road Map) into a body that was all-but imposing sanctions on a freely elected government of a people under occupation as well as setting unattainable preconditions for dialogue."

He called the consequences of the Quartet position "devastating:"

-- creating intolerable conditions on the ground;

-- achieving "precisely the opposite effect" of its mandate by allowing Israel's oppressive occupation;

-- letting hundreds of civilians (to be killed) in sustained heavy incursions and (destroyed) infrastructure, some of it wanton such as the surgical strikes on (Gaza's) only power plant."

America dominates the Quartet. It, in turn, "take(s) all pressure off Israel (and) focus(es only) on the failings of Hamas." After two years as Quartet envoy, De Soto concluded that it failed as a diplomatic instrument. "As a practical matter, the Quartet is pretty much a group of friends of the US - and the US doesn't feel the need to consult closely with (it) except when it suits it."

The Group's Assessment of Quartet Progress

The Group includes organizations like Save the Children, Care, Oxfam International, Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network, United Civilians for Peace, Christian Aid, World Vision and Catholic Agency for Overseas Development (CAFAD). It structured its report by issues.

Settlements

The Quartet failed to halt settlement expansions. Instead, Israel accelerated construction, including on supportive infrastructure. They're illegal under international law and devastate the Palestinian economy and daily life of the people. Quartet efforts showed "a marked failure to hold the Israeli authorities to their obligations....This highlights the urgent need (to) adopt concrete measures" and hold Israel accountable. So far no efforts have been made to do it.

Immediately after it's Berlin statement, Israel announced new settlement building or tendering in Neve Yaacov, Beitar Illit, Har Homa, Pisgat Ze'ev, Ariel and Maskiot. It's for 2550 homes on the eve of Secretary Rice's regional visit at the time. The Quartet reacted tepidly despite Israel's multiple and repeated international law violations:

-- of Article 49, paragraph 6 of the Fourth Geneva Convention stating: "the occupying power shall not deport or transfer parts of its own civilian population into the territory it occupies."

-- of Fourth Geneva's Article 27, paragraph 1, part 3 stating: "protected persons (under occupation) are entitled, in all circumstances, to respect for their persons, their honour, their family rights, their religious convictions and practices, and their manners and customs."

-- of Article 27, paragraph 3, part 3 stating: "without prejudice to the provisions relating to their state of health, age and sex, all protected persons shall be treated with the same consideration by the Party to the conflict in whose power they are, without any adverse distinctions based in particular, on race, religion or political opinion."

-- of the International Court of Justice's Advisory Opinion stating: "all States are under an obligation not to recognize the illegal situation resulting from the construction of the (separation) wall and not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by such construction." All state parties to Fourth Geneva and the UN Charter are so obligated as well as "required....to end the illegal (settlement) situation resulting from the (wall's) construction...."

They also must enforce UN Security Council Resolution 446 (March 22, 1979) stating: "Israel(i)....settlements in the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since 1967 have no legal validity and constitute a serious obstruction to achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East."

UN Security Council Resolution 242 as well (November 22, 1967) called for "the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East (by the) Withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent (Six Day War) conflict, termination of all claims or states of belligerency," and respect for the rights of all regional states to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries.

Since its inception, the Quartet issued "at least 18 statements expressing its collective opposition to settlements, and has warned repeatedly of the dangers posed to the peace process by continued expansion." But it failed to act and rendered its "statements" toothless and disingenuous. It also hasn't addressed how adversely settlements affect Palestinians' daily lives - in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza siege, and now under a genocidal assault.

As a consequence, Israel feels no need to respect international law or seek an equitable and lasting peace. It can continue to deny Palestinians access to 40% of the West Bank as well as maintain road blocks, barriers, fences, ditches, restricted roads, and the Separation Wall in violation of international law.

It can also:

-- continue land seizures;

-- deny farmers access to their fields and wells;

-- children to schools;

-- people to clinics, hospitals, shops, jobs, worship, social and family interaction, recreation, and all elements of normal life.

It can:

-- impoverish them with impunity;

-- render them dependent on outside aid;

--expose them to violence and destruction of their property, crops, water sources, and infrastructure;

-- deny them equity and justice; and

-- highlight where the Quartet stands: one-sidedly for Israel with no concern whatever for Palestinian interests and welfare.

The Group recommended "urgent" measures be adopted to reverse this deplorable situation. In addition, demand that Israel observe its obligations and assure that "grave violations of international humanitarian law are brought to an end;" adopt a Security Council resolution with these provisions and enforce it; and if America vetoes it then the General Assembly should do it instead.

West Bank Access and Movement

The Quartet failed to alleviate movement and access restrictions or secure "tangible improvements" in Palestinians' daily lives. This lack of progress "may constitute a fatal threat to the broader peace process."

Last November's Annapolis conference was a travesty. It excluded the legitimate government of one side and doomed discussions from the start. Here's what followed. Through July 2008, Israel added 48 more obstacles, increasing their numbers from 561 to 609. Moreover, in the three years since the November 2005 Agreement on Movement and Access (AMA), 233 new obstructions were added or a 62% increase. In addition to laying siege to Gaza and now slaughtering its population.

The Quartet failed "to engender any significant progress in easing (Israel's) policy of closure." This and other measures deny Palestinians their human rights, devastate their lives, create soaring poverty and high unemployment:

-- for Gaza, poverty at 79.4% according to a September World Bank report; unemployment the highest in the world at 45% according to a July 2008 UN Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRWA) report; 80% of Gazans need food aid from donor agencies straining to provide it; now under attack nearly everyone needs everything;

-- for the West Bank, the World Bank reported poverty at 45.7%; the UNWRA report put unemployment at 25% or double the average for the Middle East and North Africa; the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics has it at 29%;

-- the World Bank placed real per capita GDP for both Territories 30% lower than its 1999 peak as the population grows and economy sinks;

-- in Gaza, only 23 of 3900 industries still operated prior to December 27; a decline of 98%; in addition, its municipal sector collapsed and "fac(es) a deep financial crisis." Currently everything is in a state of collapse.

Foreign aid goes almost entirely to the West Bank - to the Abbas Palestinian Authority (PA) with demands that it "crack down on the 'terrorist' infrastructure," meaning the legitimate Hamas government in Gaza.

The Group wants the Quartet to take concrete measures (diplomatic and legal) "to address the overall closure policy, including the removal of all physical barriers (and their link to the) illegal settlements and the Wall."

Gaza

The Group, of course, reported on the Strip prior to December 27.

For the past 16 months, Gaza has been under siege and experienced a growing humanitarian crisis: isolated; squeezed by sanctions; and denied essentials short of what little donor agencies provide. The Group called the situation "dire." It's now catastrophic.

Despite its August 2005 disengagement, Israel maintains effective control and now again is an occupier:

-- it reenters the Territory at will as it's done;

-- controls all entry and exit;

-- its coast and airspace;

-- its population registry and collection of taxes;

-- its water, fuel, electricity, sanitation, public health, all other essential goods and services, and what little outside aid gets in.

Israel violates Fourth Geneva's Article 33 that states: "No protected person may be punished for an offence he or she has not personally committed. Collective penalties and likewise all measures of intimidation or of terrorism are prohibited. Pillage is prohibited. Reprisals against protected persons and their property are prohibited."

So is aggression and state-sponsored violence. Yet Israel willfully and repeatedly attacks Palestinian civilians from the air and on the ground, continues its oppressive occupation, and now (despite mass world outrage) is willfully slaughtering Gazans.

Prior to December, The Group did cite improvements if only marginal ones. Since June 2008, no Israeli deaths or injuries were reported (through late December) and Palestinian ones declined to single figures according to a recent UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) report. Yet normality remains elusive. Conditions on the ground are dire. Israeli security forces conduct incursions into Palestinian communities repeatedly. Thirty alone from September 18 - 24 according to the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights (PCHR). Forty-seven others the previous week. Violence is committed willfully. Deaths and injuries result. Dozens are arrested including children. Property is destroyed. International laws and norms are disdained, now more egregiously than ever.

Before December 27, Gaza remained under siege. "Neither the quantity nor the flow of humanitarian and commercial goods, into and out of (the Territory), (was) achieved....goods entering remain limited in quantity and diversity, and are failing to meet" basic needs. Exports are totally banned, without which no economic regeneration or reduction in poverty is possible. Now everything is in a state of shutdown and collapse.

Overall, Gazans get no relief. Conditions are intolerable. Much more needs to be done. Humanitarian and commercial flows must increase and should include more than commodities. Many sick and injured needing medical treatment are denied exit permits. Between October 2007 - July 2008, the World Health Organization (WHO) reported 51 deaths as a result, including 11 children.

Students are also affected. Dozens allowed to study abroad and others wishing to cannot. Fuel and electricity earlier increased but insufficiently. In August, 25% of required petrol was imported, 55% of cooking gas, 75% of diesel, and 78% of industrial diesel. Overall, Israel continued to limit fuel supplies. As a result, Gaza's only power plant operated at about two-thirds of capacity, and currently it's near inoperative.

The consequences are considerable and serious. Once again, prior to December 27:

-- hundreds of tons of rubbish went uncollected because trucks hadn't enough fuel to operate;

-- daily, 77,000 cubic meters of raw and partially treated sewage have been dumped into the sea;

-- farmers earlier couldn't operate 70% of their agricultural wells for irrigation so fewer crops were grown.

With insufficient fuel, power cuts continued, and they affect hospitals, water pumps, sewage treatment plants, bakeries, homes, buildings, and other facilities dependent on back-up diesel generators, but fuel for them is limited and now near-unavailable.

The Quartet failed to address this as well as a prompt and immediate resumption of stalled UN and other donor projects. Essential needs went unfulfilled, and vital infrastructure projects stalled, including emergency ones for shelters, water and sewage construction, and more.

Nor were there development measures to regenerate the economy, create jobs, reduce poverty and improve the lives of desperately needy people. The starting point is ending the Gaza siege, holding Israel accountable, stopping the current slaughter, and undertaking a sustainable effort to rebuild, regenerate, and improve Palestinians' daily lives.

Comprehensive Palestinian Security Strategy

This effort is fraudulent on its face. According to the Quartet: it's "to fight terrorism" or, in other words, to use Palestinian police for Israeli security - not for Palestinians or their human rights concerns. Abuses are thus commonplace, including politically motivated arrests, torture, various other forms of ill-treatment, and dozens of deaths, injuries and incarcerations - some by Palestinian security forces; most by the Israeli army, compounded by settler violence.

The Palestinian human rights organization, Al Haq, reported widespread human rights abuses and their "horrific physical and psychological effect on hundreds of Palestinian citizens and the society at large." It shows Palestinian security is a non-starter. Only securing Israelis matter. It's another Quartet failure for not addressing Palestinian suffering and human needs.

Donor Pledges

More hypocrisy relating to Quartet-secured pledges at Paris, Bethlehem, Berlin and other conferences. It failed, however, to convert them into "a consistent disbursal of funds," and it hasn't succeeded "in driving the prompt delivery of projects (or) improv(ing) the lives of Palestinian women, children, and men."

In December 2007, international donors pledged $7.7 billion to fund the PA's proposed Palestinian Reform and Development Plan (PRDP) for 2008 - 2010. It was to build the Palestinian economy and infrastructure through private investment and security but it fell short. It paid lip service to human needs in education, health care, women's and youth programs and more, yet ignored crucial issues of free movement and access, settlement expansions, and (US - Israeli-driven) divisions between Hamas and Fatah.

A small portion of pledges has been donated, not all of which is being spent, and most so far is for public sector salaries. Little goes for productive investments. And (before December 27) the Gaza - West Bank divide complicated matters. It forced many international donors to focus on humanitarian aid and not to growing the economy. The Quartet failed to help beyond emergency measures, and even those were grossly inadequate.

Private Sector Progress

Beyond small and isolated successes, the Quartet did little to "boost the private sector," invigorate the Palestinian economy, or improve Palestinians' daily lives. They continue deteriorating in the West Bank and are in crisis in Gaza.

In May 2008, measures were proposed, mostly for the West Bank in areas of security and economic development:

-- to revive the Palestinian economy and make it attractive for investment;

-- it paid lip service only to people needs; so

-- little or no progress has been made in implementing proposed projects.

Lack of free movement and access as well as harsh conditions on the ground are major contributing factors. Also expanding settlements, the Gaza - West Bank divide, and focusing on short-term measures, not permanent solutions to intractable problems like equitably resolving the ongoing conflict and establishing a meaningful lasting peace.

Conclusion and Recommendations

The Group's report addressed 10 Quartet objectives - all key to a viable peace process:

-- ending settlement expansion;

-- providing free access and movement;

-- five objectives related to a new Gaza;

-- Palestinian security;

-- fulfilling donor pledges; and

-- reviving private sector activity as well as resolving the ongoing humanitarian crisis.

Today, global human rights groups demand action to end the slaughter in Gaza and hold Israel responsible for its crimes of war and against humanity. Nothing less is acceptable.

Earlier, the Group concluded, based on facts on the ground that:

-- the Quartet "is failing to successfully execute its role;"

-- in five of the 10 areas, there's either been no significant progress or deterioration; relieving the humanitarian crisis most notably; also in aiding access and free movement, halting settlement expansion, and ending the Gaza siege;

-- in the other five - reducing Gaza violence, reinvigorating the private sector, fulfilling donor pledges, Palestinian security, and more fuel for Gaza - achievements at best were meager; currently there are none.

The Quartet's Berlin statement was disingenuous on its face. It "reaffirmed its commitment to a just, lasting, and comprehensive peace in the Middle East based on UNSCRs 242, 338, 1397 and 1515." It failed to follow through with actions. Today it's complicit with Israeli crimes by failing to decisively act to stop them and hold Israel accountable.

Earlier The Group concluded that "without real improvement on the ground, it will become necessary to consider what the future is for the Middle East Quartet."

Rami Khouri's solution makes most sense: "Let the Quartet Die for providing cover for Israeli colonialism and its American guardians." Condemn it as well for partnering in mass slaughter.

Stephen Lendman is a Research Associate of the Centre of Research on Globalization. He lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net.

Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to The Global Research News Hour on RepublicBroadcasting.org Monday through Friday at 10AM US Central time for cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on world and national issues. All programs are archived for easy listening.

http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=10604

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The Conservation Imperative: Energy Limits to Growth and the Path to Sustainability

Executive summary

This report is intended as a non-technical overview of the prospects for known energy sources to supply society’s energy needs at least up to the year 2100. It serves as a layperson’s introduction to the concept of net energy, or energy returned on energy invested (EROEI). It also discusses energy transition scenarios, showing why many that have been published up to this time are overly optimistic because they do not address all of the relevant limiting factors to the expansion of alternative energy sources. Finally, it shows why energy conservation (using less) and humane, gradual population reduction must be key strategies to achieving sustainability.

Overview

The world’s current energy regime is unsustainable. This is the explicit conclusion of the International Energy Agency, and it is also the substance of a wide and growing public consensus ranging across the political spectrum. One broad segment of this consensus is concerned more about the climate impacts of society’s reliance on fossil fuels; the other is moved more by questions regarding the security of future supplies of these fuels—which, as they deplete, are increasingly concentrated in only a few countries.

To say that our current energy regime is unsustainable means that it cannot continue and must therefore be replaced with something else. However, replacing the energy infrastructure of modern industrial societies is no trivial matter. Decades have been spent building the current oil-coal-gas infrastructure, and trillions of dollars invested. Moreover, if the transition from current energy sources to alternatives is wrongly managed, consequences could be severe: there is an undeniable connection between per-capita levels of energy consumption and economic well-being (see Robert Ayres and Benjamin Warr, Two Paradigms of Production and Growth). A failure to supply sufficient energy, or energy of sufficient quality, could undermine our global economic future.

It is a commonly held assumption that alternative energy sources capable of substituting for conventional fossil fuels are readily available, whether fossil (tar sands or oil shale), nuclear, or renewable. All that is necessary is to invest sufficiently in them, and life will go on essentially as it is.

But is this really the case? Energy sources have varying characteristics. And it is the characteristics of our present energy sources (principally oil, coal, and natural gas) that have enabled the creation of a society with high mobility, large population, and high economic growth rates. Will alternative energy sources perpetuate this kind of society?

While it is possible to point to innumerable successful alternative energy production installations within modern societies (ranging from small home-scale photovoltaic systems to large "farms" of three-megawatt wind turbines), it is not possible to point to the example of an entire modern industrial society obtaining the bulk of its energy from sources other than oil, coal, and natural gas. The energy transition is still more theory than reality.

But if current primary energy sources are unsustainable, this implies a daunting problem. The transition to alternative sources must occur, or the world will lack sufficient energy to maintain basic services.

Thus it is vitally important that energy alternatives be evaluated thoroughly according to relevant criteria, and that a staged plan be formulated and funded for a systemic societal transition away from oil, coal, and natural gas and toward the alternative energy sources deemed most fully capable of supplying economic benefits similar to those of conventional fossil fuels.

Many readers will probably assume that this has already been done adequately. After all, it is possible to assemble a bookshelf (as this author has done) filled with reports from nonprofit environmental organizations and books from energy analysts, dating from the early 1970s to the present, all attempting to illuminate alternative energy pathways for the United States and the world as a whole. These plans and proposals vary in breadth and quality, but especially in their success at identifying limiting factors that could prevent specific alternative energy sources from adequately replacing conventional fossil fuels.

A limiting factor that is most frequently omitted from energy transition plans is net energy, or energy return on energy invested (EROEI). One reason for its omission is, as we shall see in more detail below, that it suffers from lack of standard measurement practices. Nevertheless, for the purposes of large-scale and long-range planning, net energy may be the single most important criterion for evaluating energy sources.

This report is not intended to serve as an authoritative analysis of available energy options, nor as a comprehensive plan for a nation-wide or global transition from fossil fuels to alternatives. While such analyses and plans are needed, they will require institutional resources and ongoing re-assessment to be of value. The goal here is simply to identify the primary criteria that should be used in such analyses and plans, with special emphasis on net energy, and to offer a cursory look at some currently available data on alternative energy sources, so as to provide a general, preliminary sense of whether such alternative sources are up to the job of replacing fossil fuels—and if not, what should be the fall-back plan of governments and the other responsible institutions of modern society.

As we will see, this preliminary survey yields the disturbing conclusion that all alternative energy sources are subject to limits of one kind or another, and that there is no clear scenario in which the energy from conventional fossil fuels can be replaced with energy from alternative sources without (1) enormous investment, (2) significant time for build-out, and (3) significant sacrifices in terms of energy quality and reliability.

Thus there is a strong likelihood that neither conventional fossil fuels nor alternative energy sources can reliably be counted on to provide the amount and quality of energy that will be needed to sustain economic growth—or even current levels of economic activity—during the remainder of the current century.

This preliminary conclusion in turn suggests that a sensible transition energy plan will have to emphasize energy conservation above all. It also raises questions about the sustainability of growth per se, both in terms of human population numbers and economic activity.

Limiting Factors: Energy Evaluation Criteria

In evaluating energy sources, it is essential first to give attention to the criteria being used. Some criteria merely give us information about an energy source’s usefulness for specific applications: for example, an energy source (like oil shale) that is a solid and has low energy density per unit of weight and volume is unlikely to be a good transport fuel unless it can first somehow profitably be turned into a liquid fuel with higher energy density. Other criteria offer essential information about the suitability of an energy source for powering large segments of an entire society: micro-hydro power, for example, can be environmentally benign, but simply cannot be scaled up to provide a significant portion of the national energy budget of the US or other industrial countries.

In general, society will be better off with energy sources that have high economic utility, that are capable of being scaled up to produce large quantities of energy, and that have minimal environmental impacts.

Economic utility and scalability are determined by, among other things, energy density, the nature and quantity of other resources needed in order to employ the energy source in question, and the size of the resource base. Economist Douglas Reynolds, in a paper discussing the energy density of energy sources (which he terms "energy grade"), writes:

Higher-grade energy resources have more potential for being productive than lower grade energy resources. Energy is the driving force behind industrial production and is indeed the driving force behind any economic activity. However, if an economy's available energy resources have low grades, i.e. low potential productivity, then new technology will not be able to stimulate economic growth as much. On the other hand, high-grade energy resources could magnify the effect of technology and create tremendous economic growth. High-grade resources can act as magnifiers of technology, but low grade resources can dampen the forcefulness of new technology. This leads to the conclusion that it is important to emphasize the role of the inherent nature of resources in economic growth more fully. (Should EROEI be the most important criterion our society uses to decide how it meets its energy needs?)

But economic utility is not the only test an energy source must meet. If there is anything to be learned from the ongoing and worsening climate crisis, it is that the environmental impacts of energy sources must be taken very seriously indeed. The world cannot afford to replace oil, coal, and gas with other energy sources capable of posing a survival challenge to future generations.

Here then, are some primary energy evaluation criteria. The first three together define energy density.

Weight density refers to the amount of energy that can be derived from a standard weight unit of an energy resource. For example, if we use the British Thermal Unit (Btu) as a measure of energy and the pound as a measure of weight, coal has about 12 thousand Btu per pound, natural gas about 10 thousand Btu per pound, and oil almost 20 thousand Btu per pound. However, an electric battery typically is able to store and deliver only about 100 Btu per pound, and this is why electric batteries are problematic in transport applications: they are very heavy in relation to their energy output. Thus electric cars tend to have limited driving ranges and electric aircraft (which are quite rare) are able to carry only one or two people.

Consumers and producers are willing to pay a premium for energy resources with a higher energy density by weight; therefore it makes economic sense in some instances to convert a lower-density fuel such as coal into a higher-density fuel such as synthetic diesel, even though the conversion process entails both monetary and energy costs.

Volume density refers to the amount of energy that can be derived from a given volume unit of an energy resource (e.g., Btu per cubic foot). Obviously, gaseous fuels will tend to have lower volumetric energy density than solid or liquid fuels. Natural gas has about one thousand Btu per cubic foot at sea level atmospheric pressure, and 177 thousand Btu per cubic foot at 3000 pounds per square inch. Oil, though, can deliver about one million Btu per cubic foot.

In most instances weight density is more important than volume density; however, for certain applications the latter can be decisive. For example, fueling airliners with hydrogen, which is a highly diffuse gas at common temperatures and surface atmospheric pressure, would require very large tanks; indeed, this would be true even if the hydrogen were super-cooled and highly pressurized.

The greater ease of transporting a fuel of higher volume density is reflected in the fact that oil moved by tanker is traded globally in large quantities, while the global tanker trade in natural gas is relatively small. Consumers and producers are willing to pay a premium for energy resources of higher volumetric density.

Area density expresses how much energy can be obtained from a given land area (e.g., an acre) when the energy resource is in its original state. For example, the area energy density of wood as it grows in a forest is roughly 1 to 5 billion Btu per acre. The area grade for oil is usually tens or hundreds of billions of Btu per acre where it occurs, though oilfields are much rarer than forests (except perhaps in Saudi Arabia).

Area energy density matters because energy sources that are already highly concentrated in their original form generally require less investment and effort to be put to use. Reynolds makes the point:

If the energy content of the resource is spread out, then it costs more to obtain the energy, because a firm has to use highly mobile extraction capital [machinery], which must be smaller and so cannot enjoy increasing returns to scale. If the energy is concentrated, then it costs less to obtain because a firm can use larger-scale immobile capital that can capture increasing returns to scale.

Thus energy producers will be willing to pay an extra premium for energy resources that have high area density—such as oil that will be refined into gasoline—over ones that are more widely dispersed—such as corn that is meant to be made into ethanol.

Other resources needed: A very few energy sources come in an immediately useable form; for example, without exerting effort or employing any technology we can be warmed by the sunlight that falls on our shoulders on a spring day. But most energy sources, in order to be useful, require some method of gathering or converting the energy. That usually entails some kind of apparatus, made of some kind of material (for example, oil-drilling equipment is made from steel and diamonds); and sometimes the extraction or conversion process uses some resource (for example, the production of ethanol from corn requires land, and the production of synthetic diesel fuel from tar sands requires water and natural gas). The amount or scarcity of the material or resource, and the complexity and cost of the apparatus, thus constitute limiting factors on energy production.

The requirements for ancillary resources in order to produce a given quantity of energy are largely reflected in the price paid for the energy. But this is not always the case. For example, thin-film photovoltaic panels use materials (such as gallium and indium) that are non-renewable, rare, and depleting quickly. While the price of thin-film PV panels reflects and includes the current market price of these exotic materials, it does not give indication of future limits to the scaling up of thin-film PV.

Environmental impacts: Virtually all energy sources entail environmental impacts, but some have greater impacts than others. These may occur during the acquisition of the resource (in mining coal, for example), or during the release of energy from the resource (as in burning wood, coal, oil, or natural gas), or in the conversion of energy from one form to another (as in converting the kinetic energy of flowing water into electricity via a dam and hydro-turbines).

Some environmental impacts are indirect, and occur in the manufacture of the equipment used in energy harvesting or conversion. For example, the extraction and manipulation of resources used in manufacturing wind turbines or solar panels may entail significantly more environmental damage than the operation of the turbines or panels themselves.

Renewability. If we wish our society to continue using energy at industrial rates of flow not just for years or even decades into the future, but for centuries, then we will require energy sources that can be sustained more or less indefinitely. Energy resources like oil, natural gas, and coal are clearly non-renewable because the time required to form them through natural processes is measured in the tens of millions of years, while quantities available will power society reliably for only a few decades into the future at current rates of use. In contrast, solar photovoltaic and solar thermal energy sources rely on sunlight, which for practical purposes is not depleting and will presumably be available in equal quantities a thousand years hence.

It is important to note, however, that the equipment used to capture solar or wind energy is not itself renewable, and that both depleting raw materials and non-trivial amounts of energy are required to manufacture such equipment.

Some energy sources are renewable yet are still capable of being depleted. For example, wood can be harvested from forests that regenerate themselves; however, the rate of harvest is crucial: if over-harvested, the trees will be unable to re-grow quickly enough and the forest will shrink and disappear.

Even energy sources that are renewable and that do not suffer depletion are nevertheless limited by the size of the resource base (as will be discussed next).

Potential size or scale of contribution. Estimating the potential contribution of an energy source is obviously essential for macro-planning purposes, but such estimates are always subject to error—which can sometimes be enormous. With fossil fuels, amounts that can be reasonably expected to be extracted and used on the basis of current extraction technologies and fuel prices are classified as reserves, which are always a mere fraction of resources (defined as the total amount of the substance present in the ground). For example, the US Geological Survey’s first estimate of national coal reserves, completed in 1907, identified 5000 years’ worth of supplies. In the decades since, most of those reserves have been reclassified as resources, so that today only 250 years’ worth of US coal supplies are officially estimated to exist—a figure that may still be much too optimistic. Reserves are downgraded to resources when new limiting factors are taken into account, such as (in the case of coal) seam thickness and depth, chemical impurities, and location of the deposit.

On the other hand, reserves can sometimes grow as a result of the development of new extraction technologies, as has occurred in recent years with US natural gas supplies. While the production of conventional American natural gas is declining, new underground fracturing technologies have enabled the recovery of gas from low-porosity rock, significantly increasing the national production rate and expanding US gas reserves.

Reserves estimation is especially difficult when dealing with energy resources that have little or no extraction history. This is the case, for example, with methane hydrates, with regard to which various experts have issued a very wide range of estimates of both total resources and extractable future supplies; it is also true of oil shale, and to a lesser degree tar sands, which have limited extraction histories.

Estimating potential supplies of renewable resources such as solar and wind power is likewise problematic, as many limiting factors are often initially overlooked. With regard to solar power, for example, a cursory examination of the ultimate resource is highly encouraging: the total amount of energy absorbed by Earth’s atmosphere, oceans, and land masses from sunlight annually is approximately 3,850,000 exajoules (EJ)—whereas the world’s human population uses currently only about 428 EJ of energy per year from all sources combined, an insignificant fraction of the previous figure. However, the factors limiting the amount of sunlight that can potentially be put to work for humanity are numerous, as we will see in more detail below.

Consider the case of methane harvested from municipal landfills. In this instance, using the resource provides an environmental benefit: methane is a more powerful greenhouse gas than carbon dioxide, so harvesting and burning landfill gas (rather than letting it diffuse into the atmosphere) reduces climate impacts while also providing a local source of energy. If landfill gas could power the US electrical grid, then the nation could cease mining and burning coal. However, the potential size of the landfill gas resource is woefully insufficient to support this. Currently the nation derives about 400 trillion Btu per year from landfill gas for commercial, industrial, and electric utility uses. This figure could probably be quadrupled if more landfills were tapped. But US electricity consumers use over twenty-five times as much energy as that. There is another wrinkle: if society were to become more environmentally sensitive and energy efficient, the result would be that the amount of trash going into landfills would decline—but this would reduce the amount of energy that could be harvested from future landfills.

Location of the resource. The fossil fuel industry has long faced the problem of "stranded gas"—natural gas reservoirs that exist far from pipelines and that are too small to justify building pipelines to access them. Renewable resources often face similar hurdles.

The location of solar and wind installations is largely dictated by the availability of the primary energy source; often, this is in sparsely populated areas. For example, in the US there is large potential for the development of wind resources in Montana and North and South Dakota. However, these are some of the least-populous states in the nation. There are also good wind resources offshore along the Atlantic and Pacific coasts, nearer to large urban centers, but taking advantage of these resources will entail overcoming challenges having to do with building and operating turbines in deep water and connecting them to the grid onshore. Similarly, the nation’s best solar resources are located in the Southwest, far from population centers in the Northeast.

Thus taking advantage of these energy resources will require more than merely the construction of wind turbines and solar panels: much of the US electricity grid will need to be reconfigured, and large-capacity, long-distance transmission lines will need to be constructed.

Reliability. Some energy sources are continuous: coal can be fed into a boiler at any desired rate, as long as the coal is available. But some energy sources, such as wind and solar, are subject to rapid and unpredictable fluctuations. Wind often blows at greatest intensity at night, when electricity demand is lowest; the sun shines for the fewest hours per day during the winter—but consumers are unwilling to curtain electricity usage during winter months, and power system operators are required to assure security of supply throughout the day and year.

Intermittency of energy supply can be managed to a certain extent through storage systems—in effect, batteries. However, this implies extra infrastructure costs as well as energy losses. It also places higher demands on control technology. In the worst instance, it means building electricity generation capacity much larger than would otherwise be needed. (See: Wind: intermittent Power: continuous)

Transportability of energy is largely determined by the weight and volume density of the energy source, as discussed above. But it is also affected by the state of the material—whether it is a solid, liquid, or gas. In general, a solid fuel is less convenient to transport than a gaseous fuel, because the latter can move by pipeline. Liquids are the most convenient of all because they take up less space than gases.

Some energy sources cannot be classified as solid, liquid, or gas. The energy from sunlight or wind cannot be directly transported; it must first be converted into a form that can—such as hydrogen or electricity.

Electricity is highly transportable, as it moves through wires, enabling it to be delivered not only to nearly every building in industrial nations, but to many locations within each building.

Transporting energy always entails costs—whether it is the cost of hauling coal (which may account for over 70 percent of the delivered price of the fuel), the cost of building and maintaining pipelines and pumping oil or gas, or the cost of building and maintaining an electricity grid. These costs can be expressed in monetary terms or in energy terms.

The energy costs of transporting energy affect net energy—which we will discuss next in a separate section because it is such an important aspect of the overall discussion, and because it will be a principal focus of this report.

Net Energy (EROEI)

Energy must be invested in order to obtain energy, regardless of the nature of the energy resource or the technology used to obtain it, and society relies on the net energy gained from energy-harvesting efforts to operate all of its manufacturing, distribution, and maintenance systems.

If the net energy produced is a large fraction of total energy produced, this means that a relatively small portion of societal effort must be dedicated to energy production, and most of society’s efforts can be directed toward other purposes. This is the situation we have become accustomed to as the result of having access to cheap, abundant fossil fuels.

If the net energy produced is a small fraction of total energy produced, this means that a relatively large portion of societal effort must be dedicated to energy production, and only a small portion of society’s efforts can be directed toward other goals. For example, in a society where energy is acquired principally through agriculture—which yields a low and variable energy profit—most of the population must be involved in farming in order to provide enough energy to fund the maintenance of a small hierarchy of full-time managers, merchants, soldiers, etc., who make up the rest of the societal pyramid.

In the early decades of the fossil fuel era, the quantity of both total and net energy liberated by efforts to mine and drill for these fuels was unprecedented, and it was this abundance of cheap energy that enabled the growth of industrialization, urbanization, and globalization during the past two centuries. It took only a trivial amount of effort in exploration and drilling to obtain an enormous energy return on energy invested (EROEI). But the energy industry understandably followed the best-first or "low-hanging fruit" policy of exploration and extraction. Thus the coal, oil, and gas that were highest in quality and easiest to access tended to be found and extracted early on, and so with every passing decade the net energy (as compared to total energy) derived from fossil fuel extraction has declined. In the early days of the US oil industry, for example, a 100-to-one net energy profit was common, while it is estimated that current US exploration efforts are approaching an averaged one-to-one (break-even) energy payback.(FN Hall and Gagnon)

In addition, as we will see in some detail later in this report, alternatives to conventional fossil fuels generally have a much lower EROEI than coal, oil, or gas did in their respective heydays. For example, industrial ethanol production from corn is estimated to have at best a 1.5-to-one positive net energy balance; it is therefore nearly useless as a primary energy source.

If the net energy available to society declines, more of society’s resources will have to be devoted directly to obtaining energy, and less will be available for all of the activities that energy makes possible. Thus increasing constraints will be felt on economic growth, and also upon the adaptive strategies (which require new investment—for example: the building of more public transport infrastructure) that society would otherwise deploy to deal with energy shortages. The immediately noticeable symptoms will include rising costs of bare necessities and a reduction in job opportunities in fields not associated with basic production.

Net energy can be thought of in terms of the number of people in society engaged in energy production. If energy returned exactly equals energy invested (EROEI = 1), then everyone is involved in energy production and no one is available to take care of society’s other needs. If EROEI = 100, then one person is involved in energy production and 99 can do other things—build houses, teach, take care of the sick, cook, write advertising copy, and so on. If there are two energy workers and 98 people doing other things, then EROEI = 50; and similarly with four people obtaining energy and 96 doing other things, EROEI = 25. With 8 getting energy and 92 doing other things (EROEI = 12.5) there may begin to be problems finding enough workers who are trained at getting energy while others build the tools and infrastructure (drilling rigs or assembly lines for making solar panels) that enable these energy workers to do their jobs. With 16 getting energy and 84 doing other things (EROEI = 6.25), serious problems may become apparent, since 84 people may not be enough to provide for all of the needs of the 16, given that half of the larger group may consist of children, the elderly, and disabled persons. With 16 energy workers and 42 others providing everything else, an industrial mode of societal organization may not be viable.

Archaeologist Lynn White estimated that hunter-gatherer societies operated on a ten-to-one net energy basis (EROEI = 10). Since hunter-gatherer societies are the simplest human groups in terms of technology and degree of social organization, 10 should probably be regarded as the minimum sustained average societal EROEI required for the maintenance of human existence (though groups of humans have no doubt survived for occasional periods, up to several years in duration, of lower EROEI). Since industrial society entails much greater levels of complexity, its minimum EROEI must be substantially higher.

However, in this report we will not be discussing the EROEI of society as a whole, but of individual energy sources.

Both renewable and non-renewable sources of energy are subject to the net energy principle. Fossil fuels become useless as energy sources when the energy required to extract them equals or exceeds the energy that can be derived from burning them. This fact puts a physical limit to the portion of resources of coal, oil, or gas that should be categorized as reserves, since net energy will peak and decline to the break-even point long before otherwise extractable fossil energy reserves are depleted.

Therefore the need for society to find replacements for fossil fuels may be more urgent than is generally recognized. Even though large amounts of fossil fuels remain to be extracted, the transition to alternative energy sources must be negotiated while there is still sufficient net energy available to continue powering society while at the same time providing energy for the transition process itself.

Because this report is a layperson’s guide, we cannot address in any depth the technical process of calculating net energy. However, it is important to note that the process is complex and is subject to ongoing controversy. Most of this controversy centers on system boundaries: what should be counted as an energy cost for a specific instance of energy production? For example, should we count the energy expended in the manufacturing of shoes worn by the workers on an oilrig?

The use of net energy or EROEI as a criterion for evaluating energy sources has been criticized on several counts. As just mentioned, there is difficulty in establishing system boundaries that are agreeable to all interested parties, and that can be easily translated from analyzing one energy source to another. Moreover, the EROEI of some energy sources (such as wind, solar, and geothermal) may vary greatly according to location. Advances in technology can also affect net energy. All of these factors make it difficult to calculate figures that can reliably be used in energy planning.

This difficulty only increases as the examination of energy production processes becomes more detailed. Does the office staff of a drilling company actually need to drive to the office to produce oil? Is the energy spent filing tax returns actually necessary to the manufacture of solar panels?

Yet despite challenges in precisely accounting for the energy used in order to produce energy, net energy acts as an absolute constraint in human society, regardless of whether we ignore it or pay close attention to it. EROEI will determine if an energy source is able successfully to support a society of a certain size and level of complexity. In situations where EROEI can be determined to be low, even though there is dispute as to the exact figure, we can conclude that the energy source in question cannot be relied upon as a primary source.

Many criticisms of net energy analysis boil down to an insistence that other factors that limit the efficacy of energy sources should also be considered. EROEI does not account for limits to non-energy inputs in energy production (inputs such as water, soil, or the minerals and metals needed to produce equipment); it does not account for undesirable non-energy outputs of the energy production process—most notably, greenhouse gases; it does not account for energy quality (the fact, for example, that electricity is an inherently more versatile and useful energy medium than the muscle power of horses); and it does not reflect the scalability of the energy source (recall the example of landfill gas above).

However, just because net energy is not the only important criterion for assessing a potential energy source, this is no reason to ignore it. EROEI is a necessary—though not a sufficient—basis for evaluating energy sources. It is one of five criteria that we should regard as having make-or-break status (the others, discussed above, are renewability, environmental impact, size of the resource, and the need for ancillary materials). If a potential energy source cannot score well with all of these criteria, it cannot realistically be considered as a future primary energy source. Stated the other way around, a potential energy source can be disqualified by doing very poorly with regard to just one of these five criteria.

It should be noted, however, that an energy source with a low or negative EROEI can still be useful as a medium or carrier to make other energy sources easier to use. In an energy system with many source inputs, common energy carriers are extremely helpful. Electricity serves this function well in our current energy system: it would be difficult for consumers to make practical use of coal, nuclear, and hydropower without it. But convenient negative-EROEI energy carriers need to be connected to high-EROEI energy sources—otherwise the system cannot function.

In the following discussions of specific energy sources, data on EROEI are drawn from the work of Dr. Charles Hall, who, working with his students at the State University of New York in Syracuse, has for many years been at the forefront of developing and applying the methodology for calculating net energy.

Following this consideration of known energy sources case-by-case, we will explore the prospects for combining non-fossil sources into a workable future energy system.



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Thursday, 8 January 2009

Researcher: Most Americans subjected to mass market experimentation

Most Americans at one time or another are subjected to mass-market experimentation, a researcher says.

Marshall Shapo, a professor at the Law School, Northwestern University, says in his newly published book "Experimenting with the Consumer: The Mass Testing of Risky Products on the American Public" that all too often Americans are unwittingly subjected to mass market experimentation.

Innovation through experimentation can and does make our lives better, he says. But even when companies strive to produce products of quality, hidden risks may lie in wait for consumers.

"While most people might think of experimentation as occurring in a laboratory supervised by researchers in white coats, the truth is that as consumers, we are experimental vehicles," Shapo says.

"Researchers continue to discover risks involved with new products even after they hit the market. You have to view new products and processes with a certain degree of healthy skepticism, and that can include even drugs prescribed by your doctor," he says.

The case of Viagra exhibits several features of mass-market experimentation that affect consumers. One reason behind the success of Viagra, for example, is the relatively new phenomenon of direct-to-consumer pharmaceutical advertising.

Viagra is also an example of how perceptions of risk are affected by cultural changes. With the evolution of sexual culture, the line has blurred between medical need and consumer demand.

It is widely agreed that agencies like the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) need more resources and independence from the people and industries being regulated. But mixing science and politics can be tricky, Shapo says.

"You've got scientists arguing with each other on the data of risk, scientists arguing with doctors
on what's best for patients and companies arguing with politicians about regulation. Some people even argue that the FDA doesn't let them take enough chances with products they would like to use," he says.

Shapo hopes his book will lead readers to be cautious about the products they choose and press their elected officials for more oversight and regulation of consumer and workplace products.

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Memo to the President-elect on Energy Realism and the Green New Deal

Memo to the President-elect on Energy Realism and the Green New Deal
Executive Summary

Our continued national dependence on fossil fuels is creating a crippling vulnerability to both long-term fuel scarcity and catastrophic climate change.

The current economic crisis requires substantial national policy shifts and enormous new government injections of capital into the economy. This provides an opportunity for a project whose scope would otherwise be inconceivable: a large-scale, coordinated energy transition away from fossil fuels and toward renewable energy.

This project must happen immediately; indeed, it may already be too late. We have already left behind the era of cheap and plentiful fossil fuels, with a permanent decline of global oil production likely underway by within three years. Moreover, the latest research tells us we have less than eight years to bring carbon emissions under control if we hope to avoid catastrophic climate change. Lacking this larger frame of understanding and action, a mere shift away from foreign oil dependence will fail to meet the challenge at hand.

The energy transition must not be limited to building wind turbines and solar panels. It must include the thorough redesign of our economic and societal infrastructure, which today is utterly dependent on cheap fossil fuels. It must address not only our transportation system and our electricity grid, but also our food system and our building stock.

Our 21st century nation’s dependence on 20th century fossil fuels is the greatest threat we face, far more so than the current financial crisis. A coordinated, comprehensive transition to an economy that is no longer dependent on hydrocarbon fuels and no longer emits climate-changing levels of carbon—a Post Carbon Energy Transition—will be the Obama Administration’s greatest opportunity to lead the nation on a path toward sustainable prosperity.
Overview: Need and Scope

As a new Administration prepares to take the reins of power, America’s economy is descending into a recession or, quite possibly, a depression. Deepening economic turmoil is generating an assortment of urgent priorities for the national leadership. Among economists there is widespread discussion of the need for an economic stimulus package of historic proportions to create jobs and spur more production and consumption.

Meanwhile, a more profound crisis has been silently gathering for decades, and is now reaching a point of no return. This crisis issues from our reliance on fossil fuels, and it manifests as the twin dilemmas of fossil fuel depletion and climate change.

Fossil fuels define the modern era. Their concentrated, inexpensive energy has generated unprecedented economic benefits, enabling Americans to enjoy cheap food, cheap travel, and cheap manufactured goods made from and with petrochemicals. But our unbridled consumption of fossil fuels has brought us to the current crisis, where we face both the imminent decline of our most important energy source and the very real possibility of catastrophic global climate change.

These two challenges highlight the hidden costs of our still-growing dependence on oil, coal, and natural gas—costs that may do far more than merely drive the economy into a depression.

Fossil fuel depletion and climate change present threats of a scale unprecedented in human history. Failure to address them will risk an economic collapse from which no recovery is possible, as well as environmental calamity of apocalyptic dimensions. Moreover, the impacts we face are not decades away; they are immediately threatening. It is no overstatement to say that if we in this nation—and soon, the entire human family—cannot agree upon and undertake a deliberate, proactive transition away from fossil fuels beginning immediately, we may forfeit our last realistic opportunity to avoid global economic and environmental collapse.

As the world’s top oil consumer and economic power, it is incumbent upon the United States to lead the way out of this crisis. A wide range of far-reaching policies and initiatives—touching every aspect of modern society from transportation and electricity to food and housing—is needed worldwide to ensure a peaceful and equitable energy transition. This global effort must begin here and now with a national plan to reduce energy consumption, develop renewable energy sources, and reconfigure our fossil fuel-dependent infrastructure.

By taking up a de-carbonized renewal of America’s transport, electricity, food, and housing systems, the new Administration can address a number of problems simultaneously: climate change, economic contraction and unemployment, environmental destruction, resource depletion, geopolitical competition for control of energy, balance of trade deficits, the threat of hunger, and more.

The energy transition plan must not be merely a wish list of good ideas, but a prioritized, staged program with robust funding and hard yet realistic targets.

Further, it must be presented to the American people in a compelling way: public education on a massive scale will be required to help ordinary citizens understand what is at stake and how sacrifices undertaken now can build a better world tomorrow.

Despite the need for public buy-in, the purpose of this document is not to outline a program that will be an easy "sell" from a political standpoint; rather, its intent is to set forth what is actually needed in order to save America and the world from economic and environmental collapse—and what is needed may not be easy or palatable. Somehow the necessary must be reconciled with the possible, but it is the empirical requirements for survival that are ultimately decisive. It will be the task of leaders at all levels of government to mold political realities to fit those requirements.

The current financial calamity is appearing at perhaps the last historic moment when action to avert climate catastrophe has a chance of succeeding. Crisis is nearly always an opportunity for someone or something. In the current instance, economic crisis affords the opportunity for bold action of a kind and on a scale that would otherwise seem unacceptable.
The Problem
The fossil-fueled economy

Something both wonderful and terrible has happened in the past two centuries. As a people, we have become more mobile. We now spend only a small portion of our incomes on food, and only a tiny proportion of us need to bother ourselves with growing it. Our shopping malls have become filled with a dizzying array of products, many of them imported from around the world.

These are just some of the gifts of fossil fuels—concentrated energy sources that have proven both cheap and abundant.

But claiming these gifts has led us to build a societal infrastructure that is designed for, and utterly dependent on, plentiful oil, coal, and natural gas.

We have built cars and trucks, and an extensive network of highways on which they travel. We have built passenger aircraft that are swift and safe, and airports in practically all medium and large cities.

We have configured our food system to take advantage of these fuels by mechanizing production, by using petrochemicals to fertilize crops and kill weeds and pests—and then by transporting food ever further distances to centralized processing and storage centers and finally to giant supermarkets intended to be accessed almost exclusively by private automobile.

We heat our homes with fossil fuels, and we have designed our homes around automobiles, setting aside a large portion of interior space to enclose them in garages. We have built countless neighborhoods through and to which no one is expected to travel by any mode other than by car. We define the functionality of our cities by the highways that connect their neighborhoods and suburbs.

We have built an electric grid system to supply power for every aspect of commerce and daily life—from communication to entertainment to food refrigeration. This essential system depends on fossil fuels for two-thirds of its energy.

In short, we have become systemically dependent on cheap fossil fuels. And in this systemic dependency lie acute vulnerabilities.
Fossil fuel depletion

It may be too soon to speak of the end of fossil fuels altogether, but we have unquestionably reached the end of an era.

It is increasingly clear that global oil production growth is stalling, with permanent decline likely underway by 2012. The petroleum price spike of 2008, in which the cost of a barrel of oil rose to $147, was a warning of what is to come. The International Energy Agency (IEA) World Energy Outlook 2008 report released in November concluded:

Current global trends in energy supply and consumption are patently unsustainable,...the sources of oil to meet rising demand, the cost of producing it and the prices that consumers will need to pay for it...[are all now] extremely uncertain.

The report’s Executive Summary points out that nearly all future world oil production growth depends on supplies from OPEC, and ends with the unequivocal judgment that "the era of cheap oil is over," warning member nations that, "the time to act is now."

We have tended to think of coal as being so abundant that supply constraints will not appear for many decades or even centuries. Yet a 2007 report by the National Academy of Sciences concluded:

Present [official US] estimates of coal reserves are based upon methods that have not been reviewed or revised since their inception in 1974, and much of the input data were compiled in the early 1970s. Recent programs to assess reserves in limited areas using updated methods indicate that only a small fraction of previously estimated reserves are actually minable reserves.

A 2007 report from an energy research body established by members of the German Parliament, suggests that production of coal in the US may reach its maximum level as early as 2030, after which it will decline as high-quality resources are exhausted. With such limited supplies, and in the absence of commercially viable carbon sequestration—which is still at least 25 years away and has its own set of challenges regarding energy efficiency and scalability— coal is neither an economically nor environmentally sustainable solution for our future energy needs.

Production of "conventional" natural gas in North America is declining, but recent technical advances have enabled the industry to extract substantial new quantities of this fuel from low-porosity reservoirs. We are now hearing assurances from some of the companies producing such "unconventional" gas that the nation has over a hundred years’ worth of the resource. However, rapid depletion rates in new gas wells force the industry to pursue ever-higher drilling rates (drilling rates are today three times what they were a decade ago), suggesting this resource may be much more short-lived.

There are also economic problems with shifting to natural gas. The low amount of energy returned on the energy invested in unconventional gas infrastructure and drilling efforts suggests that further production growth will be achievable only with very high natural gas prices, and that much of the resource theoretically available will never be produced no matter how high the market price goes. Liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports are a poor long-term alternative, given growing global demand for the fuel, significant gas import dependency in Europe, and reports of shipments being diverted en route to higher bidding ports.

Altogether, over the course of a few generations we have depleted what nature generated throughout tens of millions of years. We have picked the low-hanging fruit. We must plan and prepare for the end of fossil fuels now, while we still have a relative abundance of energy with which to build the alternative energy infrastructure that we will soon need.
Climate change

In the process of burning fossil fuels, we are releasing gases into the atmosphere that are changing the global climate, and thus reducing the survival prospects of future generations.

New data always seem to outdistance previous forecasts: the north polar icecap is melting much faster than projected, and thawing arctic permafrost is already releasing unexpectedly large quantities of methane, a greenhouse gas 20 times more powerful than carbon dioxide.

In other words, the level of atmospheric carbon dioxide believed only a few years ago to be "safe"—in that it would not trigger catastrophic climate change—seems already to be making some of the predicted worst-case impacts a reality.

Leading climate scientist James Hansen of NASA, among others, is now advocating the adoption of 350 parts per million of atmospheric carbon dioxide as the global target for climate protection efforts. The current level, however, is approximately 387 ppm. We are already beyond the threshold.

This means that, if humankind is to avoid catastrophic climate change, we must being reducing fossil fuel carbon emissions immediately, and bring them virtually to zero before mid-century.
The financial crisis

Ostensibly, the ongoing credit crunch is the result of a subprime mortgage fiasco plus the leveraging of debt through financial instruments so sophisticated that virtually no one who purchased them understood their risk.

However, the fact that world oil production was essentially stagnant during the years 2005-2008 (leading up to price spike of 2008) should not be overlooked as a contributor to the economic meltdown. Previously, the growth of financial capital could be supported by the energy-based growth of the real national and global economy. But as energy prices soared—crippling the airline and auto industries and raising costs for farmers, manufacturers, and shippers—the financial balloon suddenly began to deflate.

Unfortunately, connections between energy and economic activity are often overlooked: energy is widely regarded as merely a component of the economy, whereas in fact the entire economy crucially depends upon energy. If energy supplies are cut off, economic activity halts; and without energy growth, economic growth becomes problematic if not impossible.

Paradoxically, now that the global economy is contracting, investment in future oil, coal, and gas production projects is dwindling. At the same time, investment in renewable energy projects is also falling away. This virtually guarantees future energy shortages.

The cruel result is that as soon as the economy begins to grow once again, energy supply limits and skyrocketing energy prices will nip recovery in the bud.

Therefore it would be self-defeating for the new Administration to put the energy transition on the back burner while giving full attention to the immediate financial crisis. The financial crisis must be addressed by pursuing an energy transition.
Similarities to, and differences from, the 1970s

The current energy and economic crises carry unmistakable and disturbing echoes of the 1970s. In 1977, President Carter addressed the nation, telling Americans that,

With the exception of preventing war, this is the greatest challenge our country will face during our lifetimes . . . We simply must balance our demand for energy with our rapidly shrinking resources. By acting now, we can control our future instead of letting the future control us . . . The most important thing about these proposals is that the alternative may be a national catastrophe. Further delay can affect our strength and our power as a nation . . . This difficult effort will be the "moral equivalent of war"—except that we will be uniting our efforts to build and not destroy.

In retrospect, his speeches were a courageous effort to prepare the nation for the inevitable decline in fossil fuel production, which now looms, and to avert geopolitical conflict over remaining supplies. Had we followed the course that President Carter recommended, America might not be so vulnerable today.

But Carter lost the 1980 election to Ronald Reagan, who promised a sacrifice-free return to prosperity. All politicians understandably regard this as a cautionary tale when considering any bold effort to reduce America’s dependence on fossil fuels. Nevertheless, there are reasons that the situation today is different.

First, the energy crisis isn’t going away this time. In the 1980s, the nation could turn to recently discovered giant oilfields on Alaska’s North Slope and the world had gained access to abundant, high-quality crude oil from the North Sea. Today there are few new frontiers available for exploration. Oil from the planet’s polar regions (including ANWR) will be costly to produce and slow to arrive. Crucially, these new supplies will probably be insufficient to make up for worsening production declines from existing oilfields.

Second, the economic crisis is worse this time. While the oil shocks of the 1970s and the costs of the Vietnam War forced the U.S. to repudiate the gold standard and resulted in several years of low or negative growth, the economic calamity currently engulfing the world is leading historians to look further back to the 1930s or the 19th century for precedents. Many economists have concluded that interest rate adjustments and a $700 billion bailout package will not be enough to forestall a depression. Something bold must be done—and it must involve government spending on a grand scale that has the effect of massive job creation. Today the question is not, Can our leaders afford to be bold? It is rather, Can they afford not to?

Finally, there simply is no longer a "business as usual" option for our energy future. According to the IEA, trillions of dollars of new investment will be needed for exploration and the implementation of new extraction technologies if fossil fuel production is to continue satisfying growing demand for the next two decades (for the world as a whole, over $26 trillion will be required in year-2007 dollars for the period 2007-2030). On the other hand, trillions will also be needed to build a renewable energy infrastructure.

The difference is that the former solution would be temporary: fossil fuels are finite and depleting resources. We will still face scarcity even after paying the enormous cost of finding and developing the last of the world’s oil and gas fields and coal mines. Renewables, on the other hand, can power society indefinitely. In either case most of the needed investment should come not from government, but from the private sector. However, government’s role will be decisive in setting the course through leadership, coordination, regulation, and investment.

The current financial crisis forces the conclusion that America cannot have it both ways. Either we direct public investment toward developing expensive, low-grade fossil fuels (such as tar sands, oil shale, and shale gas) in a vain effort to maintain growth in our fossil-fuel dependent economy, or we direct investment toward building the renewable energy infrastructure of the future.

If the 1970s were an early warning, today is the final moment for action. We will have no third chance at the energy transition.
The Solution

The obvious answer to fossil fuel depletion and climate change is to simply substitute alternative energy sources for oil, natural gas, and coal.

However, this solution quickly bogs down on two fronts. First, there are no alternative energy sources (renewable or otherwise) capable of supplying energy as cheaply and in such abundance as fossil fuels currently yield, in the time that we need them to come online. Second, we have designed and built the infrastructure of our transport, electricity, food, and heating systems to suit the unique characteristics of oil, natural gas, and coal; changing to different energy sources will require the redesign of many aspects of those systems.

The energy transition cannot be accomplished with a minor retrofit of existing energy infrastructure. Just as the fossil fuel economy of today systemically and comprehensively differs from the agrarian economy of 1800, the post-fossil fuel economy of 2050 will profoundly differ from all that we are familiar with now. This difference will be reflected in urban design and land use patterns, food systems, manufacturing and distribution networks, the job market, transportation systems, health care, tourism, and more.

It could be argued that these changes will occur in some fashion whether we plan for them or not, that it is only necessary to wait for the market price of fossil fuels to reflect scarcity, with higher costs forcing society to adapt. However, lack of planning will result in a transition that is chaotic, painful, destructive, and perhaps (if the worst climate forecasts are realized), unsurvivable. As a recent study for the U.S. Department of Energy showed, such a passive approach to the problem would lead to "social, economic, and political costs" of "unprecedented" scope. Once again: bold action is required.

We need to reduce our overall energy consumption, and restructure our economy to run primarily on renewable energy—and the federal government must lead the way. This energy transition should have five components: a massive shift to renewable energy, and a retrofitting of the four key systems of electricity, transportation, food, and buildings.
1. Make a massive and immediate shift to renewable energy

The development of alternative energy sources must obviously be a cornerstone of any plan to reduce our national reliance on conventional fossil fuels. However, many alternatives being discussed—including nuclear power, industrial-scale biofuels, and low-grade fossil fuels such as oil shale and tar sands—suffer from serious drawbacks, including low energy profit ratios, high environmental impacts, or a limited resource base.

Renewable energy sources such as wind, solar, and advanced geo thermal clearly represent the long-term solution to the nation’s and the world’s energy problems. However, in many cases these require further research and evaluation. For example, research is needed into new energy storage technologies, as well as new photovoltaic materials and processes, and new geothermal and tidal power technologies. While much of this could be accomplished by the private sector, the economic crisis is likely to delay or undercut needed funding, increasing the need for government support.

The U.S. Department of Energy should be tasked with undertaking a rapid but thorough assessment of available alternative energy production technologies using a carefully mapped set of consistent criteria. This assessment should be formatted in a way that helps states and communities, as well as the federal government, make practical planning and investment decisions.

Given the immediacy of this need, Post Carbon Institute, in collaboration with the International Forum on Globalization, is currently undertaking a preliminary comparative review of alternative energy sources, using criteria including energy profit ratio, environmental impacts, scalability, and materials requirements. That publication will be available by February 2009.
2. Electrify the transportation system

America’s sunken investment in highways, airports, cars, buses, trucks, and aircraft is enormous. However, this is a transport system that is completely dependent on oil. It will be significantly handicapped by higher fuel prices, and devastated by actual fuel shortages.

The electrification of road-based vehicles will help; however, this strategy will require about two decades to fully deploy, given that the average passenger vehicle has a useful lifetime of 15 years. Meanwhile, road repair and tire manufacturing will continue to depend upon petroleum products, unless alternative materials can be found.

Even if it is electrified, a ground transport system consisting of trucks and private automobiles is inherently energy intensive compared to public transit alternatives like bus and rail, and non-motorized alternatives like bicycling and walking. The building and widening of highways must come to a halt, and the bulk of federal transportation funding must be transferred to support for electrified and non-motorized infrastructure and services. This overall shift of transport investments and priorities will require comprehensive planning and coordination at all levels of government.

There are few if any good options for maintaining the airline and air freight industries without cheap fossil fuels. While some amount of air travel is likely to persist throughout the transition, its cost will inevitably and persistently rise, and the airline industry will contract accordingly. Increasingly, high-speed electric rail connections between major cities will become the lower-cost option, but the national high speed rail network is still in its infancy. Meanwhile, the existing fleet of private automobiles must be put to use more efficiently through carpooling, car-sharing, and ride-sharing networks coordinated primarily at the local level, but supported by federal policy and funding.
3. Rebuild the electricity grid

Nearly all experts on the U.S. electricity grid agree that the system is approaching crisis and desperately needs a substantial overhaul. Electricity demand has been growing at over one percent per year due to rising population and an explosion in the numbers and types of electronic devices now considered essential, but power generation capacity has not kept up. Meanwhile our transmission networks rely on 100- year-old technology and high-voltage trunk lines that were installed in the 1950s and ’60s. It is a fragile and extremely inefficient infrastructure, and managers of the system anticipate widespread blackouts in the near future.

What is needed is not merely an enhancement of the existing system with more of the same technology. New generating capacity must come from renewable sources, many of which are intermittent and are likely to be sited far from existing power lines. The transmission system must support distributed generation, as well as robust two-way communications, advanced sensors, and distributed computers to improve the efficiency, reliability, and safety of power delivery and use.

Regional utility companies are already beginning to invest in renewables and "smart grid" upgrades, but the work is going much too slowly to avert looming power supply problems. Moreover, the credit crunch will likely slow the work that is currently under way.

Therefore the federal government must step in to set goals and standards and provide public investment capital. This effort must not favor commercial utilities over municipal power districts; indeed, the devolution of control over power systems to the community level should be encouraged, as decentralized power systems are likely to be more resilient in the face of now-inevitable power disruptions.
4. De-carbonize and relocalize the food system

Our national industrial food system performs spectacularly well at producing cheap, abundant food using minimal human labor. However, it is overwhelmingly dependent upon oil and natural gas for tractor fuel, fertilizer, pesticides, herbicides, and the transport of farm inputs and outputs. Moreover, the current food system is responsible for over 20 percent of all greenhouse gases introduced into the atmosphere from human activities in the U.S.

This situation is patently unsustainable. As fuel prices rise, farmers will go bankrupt and food prices will skyrocket. As the global climate becomes destabilized, crops will wither. Unless America undertakes a coordinated, planned redesign of its food system to eliminate dependence on fossil fuels, the future looks bleak. Famine, which formerly was an unwelcome but unavoidable fact of life in agrarian societies, could make a comeback even here in the wealthy U.S.

New farming methods, new farmers, and a re-localization of production and distribution are all required. These in turn will require land reform, educational and financial support for new farmers, and the creation of local food processing and storage centers.

Post Carbon Institute, in collaboration with the Soil Association of Great Britain, is producing a report (forthcoming in early 2009) on "The Food and Agriculture Transition," highlighting the context, issues, and possible strategies in detail.
5. Retrofit the building stock for energy efficiency and energy production.

Most Americans live in homes that require heat during the winter months, and most of those homes are inadequately insulated by modern standards. Natural gas heats most of the nation’s homes, with a majority in the Northeast heated by oil. Buildings in the South and Southwest require air conditioning during summer months. Fuel shortages, power outages, and energy price hikes could bring not just discomfort, but a massive increase in mortality from cold and heat.

The technology already exists to increase energy efficiency in both new and existing buildings. Germany has successfully pioneered the "Passive House" standard that dramatically reduces the energy required for heating and cooling; the European Union is considering adopting it as a building standard by 2012. In this country organizations like Affordable Comfort Incorporated (ACI) have been doing important work along similar lines for decades, and both the US Conference of Mayors and the American Institute of Architects have adopted the 2030 Challenge to set a nationwide carbon-neutral standard for all new buildings by 2030.

Throughout America, millions of buildings can and must be superinsulated and, in as many instances as possible, provided with alternative heat sources (passive solar, geothermal, or district heating).

However, the widespread deployment of existing knowledge and experience to retrofit millions of American homes and public buildings will require investment as well as trained workers. Once again, the potential exists for the creation of millions of jobs—as Van Jones has discussed in his proposals for a Clean Energy Corps. But funding, new regulations, and education are needed.
Requirements for an Energy Transition
1. Investment and capitalization

Clearly, enormous amounts of investment capital will need to be mobilized to accomplish the energy transition. The promise of $150 billion to be spent on renewable energy over the course of the next ten years is a welcome beginning; however, it must be seen merely as a small component of the entire transition program. As noted, much of the needed investment can eventually come from the private sector, but since the private sector is currently contracting economically this puts the onus back on government.

How can enough capital be deployed? The current practice of deficit spending may not be sustainable in the context of a faltering global economy, as there may be limited demand for U.S. government IOUs.

Other options for creating the needed capital should be explored, such as direct money creation through government spending. While this practice might have adverse implications for the value of the dollar, it is constitutional and has historical precedents during the Kennedy and Lincoln presidencies.
2. Coordination

The energy transition will be complex and comprehensive, and its various strategies will be mutually impacting. For example, efforts to redirect transport away from highways and toward rail service will need to be coordinated with manufacturers, farmers, retailers, and employers.

Therefore, within every government department considerable effort will need to be spent coordinating that department’s overall efforts with the energy transition.

The coordination process could be aided substantially by the creation of an office, tied to no existing Department, specifically tasked with tracking and managing the energy transition, and with helping existing Departments work together toward the common goal.
3. Carbon and energy policy

Worldwide, there has already been much discussion of, and some experimentation with, policies to discourage fossil fuel use and encourage the transition to renewable energy sources. More exploration of such policy options is needed.

The carbon Cap-and-Trade scheme that was deployed in the European Union, in which fossil fuel companies were automatically awarded carbon credits, has tended merely to push high-polluting jobs to poorer nations, while enriching bankers with trading commissions and rewarding established polluters.

The auctioning of all carbon credits, so that existing polluters must buy them, would be a clear improvement on that system. Cap-and-Dividend or Cap-and-Share programs would go further still by promoting social equity, with the proceeds from carbon credit auctions going directly to the public to offset the impact of rising energy costs.

As Al Gore has suggested, carbon taxes could raise government revenue to pay for the energy transition and discourage fossil fuel consumption while replacing payroll taxes—thus adding minimally or not at all to the tax burden of citizens.

However, all such systems assume a market for fossil fuels in which severe resource scarcity plays little or no role. In fact, scarcity may partially undermine carbon trade, share, or dividend systems (no oil company would need to buy carbon credits if the supply of oil is shrinking as fast as yearly caps would otherwise mandate), while resulting in extreme price volatility that would overwhelm both individual consumers and entire industries. Under a carbon tax system, falling oil production would translate to falling government tax revenues.

A policy solution to the depletion-led scarcity dilemma might be a fuel quota rationing system administered so that the total number of quotas issued declines annually. Such a system, called Tradable Energy Quotas (TEQs), is being studied in Britain. In it, quotas of carbon or specific fossil fuels (e.g., gasoline) would be issued electronically to all adults yearly, with the information stored on a magnetic card swiped at the point of fuel purchase. Each year the total quantity of quotas would be reduced to conform either with carbon reduction targets or declining fuel availability. Consumers could sell extra quotas or purchase them as needed, with the market price reflecting aggregate supply and demand. Each consumer would thus have an immediate interest in conserving fuel. Allowances could be made for low-income citizens with temporary need for more quotas as they get rid of older cars and insulate homes.

Policy tools to directly support the deployment of renewable energy sources, such as Renewable Portfolio Standards (RPS) and Feed-in Tariffs, should also be reviewed for effectiveness, comparing existing case studies. In general, Feed-in Tariffs, in which government guarantees a price for electricity generated from renewable sources, appear to succeed in harnessing entrepreneurial zeal to the energy transition.

Innovative financing policies like California’s AB 811 could help cities provide low-interest loans to homeowners for renewable energy.

Meanwhile, laws and incentives affecting the food system (including food safety laws and farm subsidies) will need to be reconsidered so as to provide preferential support for small-scale, local, low-input producers.
4. Education

The energy transition will result in the creation of many millions of new jobs and careers. While President-elect Obama called for the creation of five million green-collar jobs, the energy transition will in fact demand something on the order of a ten-fold increase in that goal. However, these new jobs and careers will require skill sets largely different from those currently being imparted by our educational system.

Because they are inexpensive, numerous, and widely dispersed, community colleges could play a central role in preparing workers for new opportunities in sustainable food production, renewable energy installation, grid rebuilding, rail expansion, public transport construction, and home energy retrofitting.

In order for community colleges to fill this new role, teacher training and curriculum development on a grand scale will be needed, ideally organized and coordinated at the national level through the Department of Education.

This reorientation of curriculum should begin with gardening programs in all grade schools and increased course emphasis on topics related to energy and conservation.
5. Public messaging

The successful management of a project of the scope outlined here will require public buy-in at every stage and level, and this in turn will depend upon the use of language and images to continually underscore what is at stake, to focus attention on immediate and long-range goals, and to foster a spirit of cooperation and willing sacrifice. This in itself is no small task in a nation that is politically divided and that has come to regard consumerism as patriotic.

As in the New Deal and World War II, business leaders, advertising agencies and even Hollywood must be enlisted in the effort—indeed, this high-level cooperation must be seen as a quid pro quo for the Federal government’s enormous efforts to salvage the economy by bailing out banks and corporations.

President-elect Obama built his campaign around grassroots organization and the empowerment of individuals to take ownership of a movement. The energy transition could similarly benefit from a sophisticated, interactive, web-based program to inspire individual and group action by providing tools and resources for reduction of fossil fuel dependence.

Tax breaks could be offered to businesses, churches, and other groups that develop personal action teams. Civic programs, such as a mayors’ challenge, could also play a significant role. Grassroots initiatives, such as the international Transition Towns movement, could lead the way toward voluntary community efforts to end fossil fuel dependency.
6. Planned decentralism

During the Franklin Roosevelt Administration, advisors engaged in a healthy debate about whether the New Deal should consist solely of a top-down imposition of new bureaucratic programs, or whether it should also, or primarily, seek to build healthy local communities and regions with the autonomy to design their own development strategies. Arthur Morgan was perhaps the primary decentralist intellectual of the period, but the movement—which traces back to Thomas Jefferson—included southern agrarians as well.

In the present instance, decentralist ideas and strategies must be taken even more seriously than was the case in the 1930s, if only because the end of cheap energy will inevitably entail a reduction in Americans’ mobility, and a re-localization of production and consumption.

This emphasis on decentralism could translate to the creation of programs designed at the sub-federal level that promote increasing regional self-sufficiency in food, manufacturing, and energy production.
7. Challenging goals and targets

The energy transition cannot be accomplished in four years or eight: the construction of our existing fossil fuel-based societal infrastructure required a century, and its replacement will take three or four decades at a bare minimum. What can and must be accomplished in a single administration is the essential change of direction—the beginning of a process of renewal that can persist through other administrations to its ultimate fruition.

This sense of embarking on a journey with a long arc of collective struggle toward an eventual goal can best be maintained through specific time-based targets for reducing carbon emissions, reducing fuel consumption, building renewable energy generation capacity, improving public transit systems and constructing new ones, producing more local low-fuel food, and retrofitting buildings for high energy efficiency. A series of challenging yet feasible annual and four-year targets should be set at the beginning of the transition process, with the ultimate goal—complete freedom from fossil fuel dependency—to be achieved by 2050. Future Administrations will be in positions to adjust strategies toward the realization of that goal, but the goal itself must remain irrevocable through bipartisan consensus.

Targets can be extended through every sector, from individuals to schools, government, and businesses. The Federal government should take the lead by setting targets for all federal buildings, departments, and employees.

Achievement of annual targets should be cause for public celebration, mutual congratulation, and a refocusing of effort on the long-term goal.
Conclusion

What is being suggested in this proposal is of such enormous scope that its intended audience may initially be inclined to dismiss it out of hand. However, the authors have not exaggerated likely costs of inaction, nor have we overstated the critical need for comprehensive changes in interconnected societal systems that now depend upon an unmaintainable flow of cheap fossil fuels.

Nevertheless, we have perhaps not adequately stated the benefits of pursuing this program. By ending our national addiction to fossil fuels, we can shrink this country’s need to police energy-rich areas of the world and foster international peace, while saving hundreds of billions of dollars annually through reduced military budgets. We can save hundreds of billions more by creating a food system that substantially reduces massive health problems such as obesity, cancer, and asthma. We can dramatically curtail environmental pollution, most of which results directly or indirectly from fossil fuel use. We can help Americans become more skilled and more self-reliant, and more prone to volunteer in community-based programs—and they will be happier as a consequence. We can reduce our nation’s political divisions by calling forth qualities of character prized by both liberals (concern for the welfare of others) and conservatives (local autonomy and self-sufficiency).

In the end, what is accomplished by this enormous collective effort will be not merely the reversal of a historic economic and environmental calamity, or even the rebuilding of the nation’s infrastructure, but the revival of a civilization—and the creation of a sustainable foundation for the accomplishments of future generations.