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Thursday, 14 June 2012

@abcmarkscott The Australian misunderstands the ABC model



http://www.abc.net.au/news/2012-06-14/scott-journalism/4068996

This is an edited extract of a speech given yesterday by Mark Scott at the book launch of Australian Journalism Today.

Since I accepted Matthew Ricketson's kind invitation to launch this book on this date, three things have happened. That's not to say I wouldn't have accepted the invitation had I anticipated these things Matthew, but perhaps I would have asked for danger money.

Firstly, it appears that virtually every author of a chapter in this book has been attacked in one way or another in recent weeks by The Australian.

Secondly, the ABC itself has suffered a further tickle up from Rupert Murdoch's broadsheet, accused of being an epicentre of groupthink.

And finally, we are in the midst of unprecedented speculation about the nature of job cuts and restructuring set to descend on both News Limited and Fairfax, our largest and most significant newspaper organisations.

Now, before making any comments on any of these matters, in the interests of full and open disclosure, I would like to make the following declarations:
  • I have spoken to Margaret Simons on occasion in the past.
  • I declare I have read her writings on the media.
  • I further declare I have not read nor followed her writings on gardening, as the state of my backyard attests.
  • Furthermore, I declare that Matthew Ricketson is taller than me.
I want to talk about the current state of the industry, its impact on the nature and future of journalism craft in this country and the audience for this new book, Australian Journalism Today.
But firstly, let me deal with at least one of many misunderstandings about the ABC that exist at The Australian. It recently gave me and other leaders at the ABC several thousand words of free advice on the subject of groupthink. Now, free advice is often worth what you pay for it, but nevertheless I paid attention to The Australian, if only because I have always been happy to listen to experts speaking authoritatively in their field.

I must say it is a little difficult to know where to go with this, being lectured by The Australian about a certain narrowness in editorial perspective and a singularity in worldview. I was reminded of the wonderful American satirical singer and MIT maths professor, Tom Lehrer, who retired from recording in the early '70s. He remarked at the time that awarding the Nobel Peace Prize to Henry Kissinger made political satire obsolete.

I think there is a fundamental misunderstanding at The Australian of the way an organisation like the ABC must operate. I am Editor-in-Chief of the ABC and am finally responsible for all the content that goes online, all that goes to air across five television networks and six radio networks, including 60 local radio stations across the country. And at times, I will talk with our leading content directors about the stories and issues of significance, how we are covering them, angles we might be missing. And we will discuss our performance and the quality of our work.

At The Australian, they seem to think I should operate in the same way as their own Editor-in-Chief. I have no doubt that at The Australian, the senior editorial team run a tight news conference, with a clear editorial line emerging about the stories they will be pursuing, the people they are supporting, the agendas they are setting, the philosophy they are advancing. The paper executes accordingly, making Chris Mitchell, without doubt and for a long period of time, the most personally dominant editorial executive working in the country.

The ABC is not like that. We are not a single masthead like The Australian. In fact I think the ABC is more like a large chain of newspapers or separate editorial products, though not seeking to deliver for profit or shareholder return, but for the public good. We have clear policies and guidelines, clear expectations about standards and levels of performance, but finally we entrust our journalistic teams to execute. We do not have a point of view or take an editorial stance. More than ever, I think we can demonstrate a wide range of perspectives, forums for vigorous debate and a culture that can deliver for our audiences – from the fastest, most accurate tweet, to the finest and most vigorous investigative reporting.
 
Not long after I started at the ABC in 2006, in a speech to the Sydney Institute, I set out the direction the ABC would be taking editorially. How, in all our content, we'd deliver balance, diversity and impartiality, the full range of voices and perspectives as set out in our new Editorial Policies.
And I think it's pretty clear to the public that those editorial standards, diversity of opinion and impartiality I set out six years ago, are part of the ABC's editorial DNA today. It was good to see, as both the Finkelstein and Convergence Report noted, that Australians regard the ABC as Australia's most trusted media organisation for news and information. By a long stretch.

I think our team is doing very well. Not just our big news and current affairs programs, but our teams working in regional and rural Australia putting together countless programs daily, delivering the very best news and information from and to their local communities, the state, the nation and around the world.

The model The Australian seems to want the ABC to adopt would be akin to Chris Mitchell being forced to attend a daily news conference, convened by News Limited CEO – and the man finally editorially responsible for all product – Kim Williams, where Kim Williams instructs Chris and all other editors on the News Ltd line to be run across all papers and mastheads the following morning. Where your local team on the ground was not trusted to make editorial judgments and deliver the best product possible to their audiences. I am not sure how Chris would react to this.

The idea of such a News Limited conference run by Kim is, of course , intriguing - and were it to happen I would be very keen to acquire recording and broadcasting rights for the ABC.
Let me move on to more serious matters for the industry as a whole.

I can only imagine how daunting it is for a university student, studying communications, to read the headlines and the speculation about what is about to happen to our major newspaper companies. Announcements about sweeping changes at both Fairfax and News Ltd are imminent. Hundreds of jobs to go; major reorganisations and I suspect centralisation in the management of editorial resources.

For years we looked at the United States newspaper industry and were thankful that here we had not seen the level of circulation decline, job losses, revenue collapse, and the sweep of closures. But it looks like it might now be our time.

And I admit that the speed and intensity of the decline in the newspaper sector here in recent months has surprised me. People who work inside and have full insight into the performance of the mastheads speak with a genuine shock and fear about what the numbers are now telling them about the precarious print business model.

As I remarked when delivering the A N Smith lecture at this university a couple of years ago, these forces unleashed by digital technology, globalised content, empowered consumers and the opening of closed markets were always going to overwhelm even the most powerful proprietor and long-established operator. It was not going to be possible to shape this world. Survival would be more about your capacity and capability to ride out wherever the wave would take you, to nimbly adapt and reform your organisation in the face of forces unleashed.

I must tell you that the ABC is not immune from these forces. Of course our revenues have not been hit in the same way as those dependent on display or classified advertising in recent times. In a digital media world, we find the ABC audiences clamouring for more content on more platforms.
This can't be delivered simply through creative accounting. Real changes and tough decisions have had to be made.

We've been fortunate to receive some additional funding for new projects such as ABC3 and a new slate of drama, but we have funded a lot of our new activity in recent years ourselves, by making those tough decisions and by redirecting existing resources. And while the audiences for ABC iview and ABC News24 have assured us those decisions were right, there's more work still to be done, more tough decisions ahead of us.

Over many years, the ABC has wrestled with the challenge of doing more with less. If you take a 20-year snapshot, the ABC had about $100 million more in real terms for recurrent expenditure two decades ago and around 1,500 extra full-time staff – delivering a fraction of the content we are now delivering across more television outlets, more radio networks – and an online and mobile world unimagined in 1991.

There are some who would have preferred us to remain snap-frozen: to just keep doing what we were always doing, in a very traditional sense, on radio and television. Who would have urged us not to move into a world of round-the-clock news, delivery online and through apps, not going near Twitter and Facebook.

Instead we have looked to rigorously engage – not simply rely on what we have always done – but what we can uniquely do and how we can service our audiences most effectively in this digital age. We have limited funds and new demands. It would be easier not to cut programs, nor create new ones; easier not to reallocate priorities and re-examine the way we work. But we must to ensure we deliver the very best service we can to audiences today. We must focus on what we do best and what is best for the people who own us, fund us and use us.

That is why we found the money for News 24; why we are streaming our services to online and mobile; have created industry leading apps; developed iview and new services on digital radio. There was no additional funding for any of these activities. Some, like News 24 and the streaming services, are a very major financial investment for us. The cost of delivering our streaming services continues to ramp up dramatically. It is a storm driven by increased audience demand: educated consumers, with smarter devices, cheaper broadband with much higher caps – and a desire to watch right now. But delivering services this way is exactly what we must do to be relevant and compelling to our audiences.

In our news division now, there is lots of work underway about how we meet audience expectations. Staff from around the country have been engaging with the challenge of providing the full suite of news services: from the electric immediate to the intense, long form.

This work cannot be undertaken unless there is a recognition of changing priorities in the face of new priorities. Your 7pm bulletin will still be vital – but for most of the audience, it is no longer their first exposure to the news that day. The mobile and online investment is vital to remain the authoritative news source – a role once met for us only through radio and television. Your audience wants your very best, up-to-the minute, at any given minute. And you need to have the funds on hand to deploy as the emerging story demands it.

I have been travelling around the country speaking to ABC staff on this kind of thinking – and frankly my messages are not that different to those you are hearing from other media executives. We need to be content-driven and audience-centric, across all our platforms. We need to work together to deliver on our strategies across our divisions. We need to be willing to make tough decisions on programs and priorities to ensure we continue to be a compelling part of lives of our audience. We need to be respectful of our past but not captive to it. My message to the ABC staff has been clear – the forces being unleashed on media organisations are unprecedented and, in the words of former Intel boss Andy Grove, "only the paranoid will survive".

But for all that – despite all the gloom and the prospect of bleak news, I hope that those who will most use this book, the journalism students, can be excited about what still lies ahead for them if they get the opportunity to find and tell Australian stories. In our experience at the ABC, from the smallest town to the biggest city, there is an endless appetite for Australian stories, well told.

In his marvellous poem on Odysseus, Cavafy writes of the long journey of the war hero back to his home in Ithaca – long delayed and interrupted, at times lost, detained and stalled.

But the real experience comes not at finally reaching home – the career goal - the big job – the fulfilled ambition.

Instead, a long journey makes you:
wealthy with all you have gained on the way,
not expecting Ithaca to make you rich.
Ithaca gave you the marvellous journey.
I think there are still marvellous journeys to be had down the road of journalism.
Firstly, there has never been a larger and more accessible audience for news and information. More than ever, people want to be informed and know what is going on. And as you look around the world and across our own country, the stories have never seemed to be bigger or of more significance to our lives.

And as new forms emerge, new ways of connecting and communicating with audiences, like Twitter – which is a personalised wire service and news agency for everyone – the demand and importance of old forms continue. I think of Four Corners – it's older than me and most people in this room  – and still going strong – breaking news, uncovering hard truths, setting the agenda. Good old-fashioned journalism reaching audiences in old and new ways: on television, on catch-up, online, on Facebook.
And whilst print is clearly challenged, text is not. People are reading more than ever, in vast numbers. And not just short tweets: detailed analysis, commentary, investigation and reporting. A Quarterly Essay can shake the Prime Ministership.

Of course, we can ask where the jobs will be – but the reality is that journalism was never the easiest profession to get into. Throughout my career, the number of applicants to traineeships was always about 100 to 1 – much the same as today. Of course, until recently, it was such a closed industry to get into – a handful of papers, a couple of TV and radio licences. Miss the opportunities to work in those places, you had no-where else to go.

But now of course, with the right energy and ideas, there are so many more platforms where you can tell your stories, reveal your ideas and showcase your talent: where you can try to connect with and grow an audience. No, it may not make you rich and it may not even be how you pay the bills. At times I fear there will be fewer paid jobs in journalism and that many who practice the craft may do it as so many other artists and craftsman operate – as part of a life, but not a singular vocation.
I do think though that most of the time, the most energetic, the most creative, those who work the hardest will find a way and that journalism will be a marvellous journey.

And I think this new book, Australian Journalism Today, gives a unique insight into preparing for the world of journalism. Not just the skills you need – I did enjoy Peter Clarke's analysis of interview techniques – but also the nature of the industry and the values and principles that underpin it.
I want to thank you Matthew for your leadership of the project and all the authors who contributed to it. I am sure it will find a strong and engaged audience, particularly with this generation of journalism students all around Australia.

As to the business models that will support and sustain journalism, I am afraid will still don't know. We still can't see the sustainable, wide-ranging solutions to that wicked problem anywhere in the world.

I don't think we should be afraid to say we don't know. It mightn't warm the hearts of the analysts and the investors – but the sheer question gets you closer to the answer than pretending that you do.
In the lecture she delivered when receiving the Nobel Prize for Literature, Wislawa Szymborska, said she greatly values the phrase "I don't know."

It's small, she says, but it flies on mighty wings.
It expands our lives to include the spaces within us as well as those outer expanses in which our tiny Earth hangs suspended. If Isaac Newton had never said to himself "I don't know," the apples in his little orchard might have dropped to the ground like hailstones and at best he would have stooped to pick them up and gobble them with gusto. Had my compatriot Marie Sklodowska-Curie never said to herself "I don't know", she probably would have wound up teaching chemistry at some private high school for young ladies from good families, and would have ended her days performing this otherwise perfectly respectable job. But she kept on saying "I don't know," and these words led her, not just once but twice, to Stockholm, where restless, questing spirits are occasionally rewarded with the Nobel Prize.
Perhaps some economist, or business leader, or journalist - someone with a restless, questioning spirit - will win a Nobel Prize by solving the riddle of the business model to fund quality journalism in this digital age. Until then, we just need to get on with practicing the craft as best we can for the audiences we serve today.

This book will serve well those training for that task. I wish them and the book well.
This is an edited extract of a speech given yesterday by Mark Scott at the book launch of Australian Journalism Today, at The Centre for Advanced Journalism, Melbourne.

Mark Scott is the Managing Director of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation. He tweets @abcmarkscott. View his full profile here.

 
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@dailykos Paul Krugman vs @ProfSteveKeen : Rhetoric vs. Reality



http://www.dailykos.com/story/2012/06/11/1098890/-Krugman-vs-Keen-Rhetoric-vs-Reality

About two months ago economists Paul Krugman and Steve Keen got in a very public, somewhat unpleasant, and very unusual, online spat.

   It is worth noting that not only did Krugman not win the debate, he was pretty convincingly defeated. Businessinsider, which didn't have a dog in this race, explained it as thus:
 Ultimately, Krugman does not come off as persuasive in this fight, writing that continuing to respond is "wasting [his] time,"

   The points of dispute probably went over the heads of most people, and thus the debate was probably ignored by most people, but the fact the debate happened at all is very significant. Why? Because this wasn't a left-right debate that we see in Washington. This was a debate that displays just how extreme the discussion of economics has drifted in today's world.

 So who is Steve Keen? He's an Austrialian economist, author and a disciple of John Keynes and Hyman Minsky.
 Nouriel Roubini appears to be the most commonly recognized by (virtually all) the main sources I've seen. Yet, economists chose Australian Professor Steve Keen over Roubini for the Revere Award (outvoted by more than a 2 to 1 margin - details below) for publicly warning of the Global Financial Crisis.


If you listen to mainstream media, you will hear that there are two alternative economic theories in the world today:
1) right-wing, Chicago School, "austerians", who believe that to get back to "growth" and get more "competitive" we need to lower our standard of living and balance our budgets (except when it comes to military spending, of course), and
2) neo-Keynsian liberals like Paul Krugman who think we need massive amounts of deficit spending in order to get the economy going (including more military spending).

   On one side you have faith in markets, in the other you have government-managed economy.
  Right, left. Black, white. Good, bad. Either you are with us, or you are against us. All other "alternative" are beyond the pale and are simply wacko.

Does this look familiar to anyone else? It looks like the same choices you would see in a Hollywood action flick, where the only intellectual question is if the good-guy can kill enough of the bad guys before the movie ends. (note: He can)

  What we see are two different versions of the status quo. Neither the Chicago School, nor the Krugman school would make any fundamental changes to the system. Neither version would fix any systemic problems. Neither version would upset the financial elites of the world.

   It takes either extreme ignorance or brainwashing to buy into this limited universe. Not only are we being presented with a false choice (that there are only two alternatives), those two alternatives are false.

  For starters, the status quo is NOT a free market economy. If it was a free market economy then the banks would have failed in 2008. A free market economy without the risk of failure is like gambling without the risk of losing.

   The government is currently, actively, picking winners and losers in the economy. That's the whole idea behind Too-Big-To-Fail. What's more, they've picked the working people of America to be the losers, eventhough we may not have made any bets at the gambling table. The TBTF banks have bought off the politicians of both parties to force the taxpayers to bail them out when their looting of the public goes to extremes.

   That's not a democracy or a free market. It's a kleptocracy and a plutocracy, and its unsustainable.
  The other false alternative is presented by Paul Krugman.

Krugman correctly attacked the neo-cons early, and that's why they hate him. Krugman consistently exposes the intellectual midgets in the conservative extreme every month. Thus it is easy to consider him as someone on your side.

   The problem, as Steve Keen exposed, is that Krugman isn't what he presents himself as. Krugman says he's a New Keynsian, when in fact he's a neo-classical economist, which is just another branch of mainstream economics.

  For instance, during the debate Krugman said this:
 first of all, my basic reaction to discussions about What Minsky Really Meant — and, similarly, to discussions about What Keynes Really Meant — is, I Don’t Care.
 I can sort of understand that point. If taken to an extreme it just becomes mental masturbation. But then Krugman goes on to admit that he doesn't understand what Keen is saying. That's not just a bad position to put yourself into to start a debate, it's downright stupid.

   The problem is if you call yourself a New Keynsian and then fail to understand what Keynes actually said. Then you become a fraud.

  Keen went on to demonstrate how Krugman is just another neo-classical economist.
 One crisis later, leading Neoclassicals like Paul Krugman continue to argue that only the distribution of debt can matter:
   People think of debt’s role in the economy as if it were the same as what debt means for an individual: there’s a lot of money you have to pay to someone else. But that’s all wrong; the debt we create is basically money we owe to ourselves, and the burden it imposes does not involve a real transfer of resources.     That’s not to say that high debt can’t cause problems — it certainly can. But these are problems of distribution and incentives, not the burden of debt as is commonly understood. (Krugman 2011)
So can we ignore the level of private debt? No—because this “profound insight” is in fact a blind-spot about the role of banks and debt in a capitalist economy....
a Senior Vice-President of the New York Fed asserted it when arguing against the Monetarist experiment of the 1970s: 
    "In the real world, banks extend credit, creating deposits in the process, and look for the reserves later." (Holmes 1969, p. 73)
 This relatively simple explanation, as one example, was for some reason too complex for Krugman. I'm not sure why.

   Krugman then goes on to display truly neo-classical thinking that was disproven 100 years ago.

   Most of the world considers 2008 to have been a global Minsky-moment. Krugman, for some reason, proudly proclaims that he is not a Minskyite.

  Keynes was famous for saying: "When the facts change, I change my mind. What do you do, sir?"

    I think its time for some to re-examine their core beliefs.

Why is this important?

  The first thing to understand about the economic debate today is that the right-wing blames all government interference with the economy as either socialism or Keynesianism.

  The right-wing has long since proven that they don't have a clue what the word "socialism" even means. They lump the word in with fascism, feminism, atheism, terrorism, and any other "ism" that scares them.

  You might think the right-wing understood what Keynesianism is. As it turns out, the New Keynesian crowd doesn't even totally understand what Keynes had to say. Thus the economic debate between the Chicago School and Krugman is really a red herring. It is a distraction to keep us from considering the full range of choices we have.

   My other favorite economist is Michael Hudson. While Keen focuses on the mathematical flaws in today's economics, Hudson looks at the historical flaws. The debate between Krugman and Keen was not overlooked by Hudson.
 All this is a good idea as far as it goes. But Mr. Krugman stops there – as if that is all that is needed today...Thus dumbs down his argument, and actually distracts attention from what is needed to avoid the financial and fiscal depression he is warning about. 
   Here’s the problem: To focus the argument against “Austerian” advocates of fiscal balance, Mr. Krugman hopes that economists will stop distracting attention by talking about what he deems not necessary. It seems not necessary to write down debts, for example. All that is needed is to reduce interest rates on existing debts, enabling them to be carried.
 Hudson lists a couple items that Krugman doesn't endorse, such as:

1) Writing down debts, which would cause the banks to lose money

2) Shifting taxes off labor onto property, an idea which is not just morally correct, but good economic policy - endorsed by such economists as Adam Smith and John Maynard Keynes where he famously advocates "euthanasia of the rentier"
The effect of Mr. Krugman’s suggestions is for the government to subsidize the existing financial and tax structures, leaving the debts intact and ignoring the largely regressive, unfair and inefficient system of taxation... 
  In Mr. Krugman’s reading, private debts need not be written down or the tax system made more efficient. It is to be better subsidized – mainly with easier bank credit and more government spending. So I am afraid that his book might as well have been subtitled “How the Economy can Borrow its Way Out of Debt.” That is what budget deficits do: they add to the debt overhead.
 The primary problem in the world economy today is extreme debt levels. The bond markets are saying that public debts are too high. You and your neighbors are saying that private debt levels are too high. In fact, debt saturates every segment of society.

   Once upon a time a prominent blogger here named Bonddad was concerned with increasing debt levels. He was 100% correct in being concerned with them.

   When Bonddad said that the country is collapsing under the weight of debt he was right. His statement is still right, even though he no longer appears to believe it.

When Bonddad said that Obama's plan for spending our way out of economic trouble is unworkable he was right. His statement is still right, even though he no longer appears to believe it.

   Bonddad is far from being alone. The current economic debate these days seems centered around stimulus spending vs. austerity. The spectrum of economic thought has been shrunk down to microscopic levels that neither address the heart of our economic problems, nor threaten the status quo.

  I understand the message when people say that we can't worry about deficits and debt levels in middle of an economic crisis, I just think that people are missing the most important idea here: massive amounts of debt are the cause of this economic mess, so why would even larger amounts of debt be the solution?

  It's interesting that Hudson says that Krugman is trying to stop distracting attention from right-wing talking points. I've recently been reading "Death of the Liberal Class" by Chris Hedges, and it seems rather obvious that what Krugman is doing IS distracting by design. Hudson sort of gets it:
 The effect of his narrow set of recommendations is to defend the status quo – and for my money, despite his reputation as a liberal, that makes Mr. Krugman a conservative.
 Krugman is no conservative, but he does do his part in defending the status quo. What Hudson is confused about is what the current purpose of liberals in America are.
   Chris Hedges, who's expertise is politics instead of economics, explains:
 In a traditional democracy, the liberal class functions as a safety valve. It makes piecemeal and incremental reform possible. It offers hope for change and proposes gradual steps towards greater equality. It endows the state and the mechanisms of power with virtue. It also serves as an attack dog that discredits radical social movements, making the liberal class a useful component within the power elite.
 This is the role that Krugman has assumed - the attack dog of the liberal class. The reason he attacked Keen was because Keen was working working outside of the status quo (and yet, somehow, getting serious attention) and was proposing radical solutions to our economic problems, solutions that if seriously considered might get people thinking about the more fundamental problems in society.

   The problem for the status quo is that the liberal class has been almost completely discredited and gutted by the corporate class.
 The inability of the liberal class to acknowledge that corporations have wrested power from the hands of citizens, that the Constitution and its guarantees of personal freedom have become irrelevant, and that the phrase consent of the governed is meaningless, has left it speaking and acting in ways that no longer correspond to reality.... 
  The media, the church, the university, the Democratic Party, the arts, and labor unions - the pillars of the liberal class - have been bought off with corporate money and promises of scraps tossed to them by the narrow circles of power.
 As long as the economic debate comes down to nothing more than how much debt the government should take on, then nothing will ever change. Krugman and other liberals should stop carrying the water for the wealthy elite and start addressing the structural problems in the economy. Krugman and other liberals needs to start thinking outside of the establishment box.

Originally posted to gjohnsit on Mon Jun 11, 2012 at 09:21 AM PDT.

Also republished by Community Spotlight.








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Climate change cage match: Tony Abbott debates Tony Abbott on climate change and a carbon price @crikey_news @BernardKeane



http://www.crikey.com.au/2011/03/09/climate-change-cage-match-abbott-debates-abbott/

As the Gillard government’s plan for a carbon prices sends Coalition stocks soaring, attention is increasingly focusing on what opposition leader Tony Abbott believes in about climate change and how to deal with it. Today in Crikey, Tony Abbott debates one of his most formidable opponents on the issue — Tony Abbott.

Tony Abbott: Climate change is a relatively new political issue, but it’s been happening since the earth’s beginning. The extinction of the dinosaurs is thought to have been associated with climate change.
Tony Abbott: I’ve always thought that climate change was real because I’ve always known about the ice age and other things which indicate that over time climate does change.

Tony Abbott: I am, as you know, hugely unconvinced by the so-called settled science on climate change. Atmospheric concentrations of carbon dioxide have significantly increased since the spread of industrialisation, but it seems that noticeable warming has only taken place between the 1970s and 1990s.
Tony Abbott: We have a clear policy on climate change. Climate change is real.

Tony Abbott: I mean in the end this whole thing is a question of fact, not faith, or it should be a question of fact not faith and we can discover whether the planet is warming or not by measurement. And it seems that notwithstanding the dramatic increases in man-made CO2 emissions over the last decade, the world’s warming has stopped. Now admittedly we are still pretty warm by recent historical standards but there doesn’t appear to have been any appreciable warming since the late 1990s.
Tony Abbott: It’s quite likely that increased carbon dioxide in the atmosphere has had some effect on climate, but debate rages among scientists over its extent and relative impact given all the other factors at work.

Tony Abbott: We can’t conclusively say whether man-made carbon dioxide emissions are contributing to climate change. If they are, we don’t know whether they are exacerbating or counteracting what might otherwise be happening to global climate. Even if they are adding to climatic extremes, humanity may be able to cope with only modest adjustments.
Tony Abbott: What we can say, though, is that we should try to make as little difference as possible to the natural world. As well, prudent people take reasonable precautions against foreseeable contingencies. It’s the insurance principle.

Tony Abbott: OK, so the climate has changed over the eons and we know from history, at the time of Julius Caesar and Jesus of Nazareth,  the climate was considerably warmer than it is now. And then during what they called the Dark Ages it was colder. Then there was the medieval warm period. Climate change happens all the time and it is not man that drives those climate changes back in history. It is an open question how much the climate changes today and what role man plays.
Tony Abbott: I am confident, based on the science we have, that mankind does make a difference to climate, almost certainly the impact of humans on the planet extends to climate.

Tony Abbott: The argument is absolute crap.
Tony Abbott. We believe climate change is real, yes, we believe humans make a contribution towards climate change.

Tony Abbott: There may even have been a slight decrease in global temperatures (the measurement data differs on this point) over the past decade despite continued large increases in emissions associated with the rapid economic growth of China and India.
Tony Abbott: I think that the science is far from settled but on the insurance principle you are prepared to take reasonable precautions against significant potential risks, and that’s I think why it makes sense to have an ETS.

Tony Abbott: I think there are all sorts of ways of paying for this that don’t involve a great big new tax that we will live with forever.
Tony Abbott: There is much to be said for an emissions trading scheme. It was, after all, the mechanism for emission reduction ultimately chosen by the Howard government.

Tony Abbott: What we need is environmental direct action. We need action which is actually going to make a difference. What we don’t need is a whopping great new tax masquerading as a green measure.
Tony Abbott: The Howard government proposed an emissions trading scheme because this seemed the best way to obtain the highest emission reduction at the lowest cost… On the other hand, artificially created markets could be especially open to manipulation… For this reason, many now think that a carbon charge scheme directed at the least environmentally efficient producers would be simpler and fairer than an emissions trading scheme.

Tony Abbott: We have a policy to reduce emissions, not just to make them more expensive.
Tony Abbott: In the absence of wind that never stops blowing, sun that never stops shining and tides that never stop turning; in the absence of hydrogen cars; and in the absence of nuclear power stations to supply most base-load electricity, big reductions in emissions are impossible without a big increase in people’s cost of living or a significant change in their lifestyles.

Tony Abbott: The important thing is what will it do to people’s cost of living and if it drives up your cost of living it is a tax. It’s effectively an increase in the rate of GST — that’s what it is.
Tony Abbott: If Australia is greatly to reduce its carbon emissions, the price of carbon intensive products should rise. The Coalition has always been instinctively cautious about new or increased taxes. That’s one of the reasons why the former government opted for an emissions trading scheme over a straight-forward carbon tax. Still, a new tax would be the intelligent skeptic’s way to deal with minimising emissions because it would be much easier than a property right to reduce or to abolish should the justification for it change.

*Taken from Tony Abbott’s biography Battlelines and speeches, media transcripts and articles since mid-2009. Additional research by Crikey intern Nikki Bricknell.
 
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